– The Personality Cult of Stalin in Soviet Posters, 1929–1953

Stalin is like a fairytale sycamore tree — Stalin as a symbol
Gratitude ’ s a cad ’ mho disease .
Iosif Stalin

There was a competitiveness in a agate line at the factory ; people were hurt and a couple of policemen showed up. People equitable can ’ thymine seem to appreciate how felicitous their lives are .
Andrei Stepanovich Arzhilovsky ( ex-prisoner, executed by firing police squad, 5 September 1937 )
Depending on your point of horizon, Stalin may or not be like a fairytale sycamore tree, but this metaphor, from a encomiastic by Kazakh poet Dzhambul, serves to illuminate a cardinal dogma of this record : that ‘ Stalin ’, as he appeared in soviet posters, was a construct. indeed, we are all ‘ constructs ’ in terms of our sensed and perform identities in society. Stalin, however, is a reconstruct produced by a big group of people for mass consumption with specific goals in take care. Stalin existed as a symbol for such concrete entities as the Bolshevik Party and the state, but besides for more abstract concepts like communist progress, Bolshevik values and vision, and peace. The Party ’ sulfur propaganda apparatus tightly controlled the use of his image and his character drew on emblems of leadership and hallowed imagination from both the Russian and the European past, from newly forged Bolshevik symbols, and on universal archetypes. In this chapter some of the symbols and archetypes associated with Stalin in propaganda posters will be explored .
Stalin as symbol
Writing in 1936, swiss theologian Adolf Keller observed that, in contemporary authoritarian societies, the department of state itself had become a myth, and was increasingly depicted as possessing personal, and often divine, characteristics that came to be embodied in the symbolic character of the leader :
The State is a fabulous divinity which, like God, has the right and might to lay a totalitarian claim on its subjects ; to impose upon them a modern philosophy, a new religion ; to organise the think and conscience of its children … It is not anonymous, not abstract, but gifted with personal qualities, with a mass-consciousness, a mass-will and a personal mass-responsibility for the solid world … This personify tendency of the myth finds its strongest expression in the cryptic personal relationship of millions with a drawing card … The drawing card … is the body nation, a acid, a messiah, a savior .
States that are beset by convulsion, economic failure, social conflict or war constantly answer to these threats by seeking to strengthen the symbolic legalization of the leadership. The drawing card cult attempts to create a target of reference for an entire impression organization, centred on one man who embodies the doctrine. The cult is omnipresent and aspires to universality of belief with the purpose of integrating the masses into a ‘ residential district of believers ’. As E.A. Rees states :
leader cults are depart of the general process whereby the newfangled power is symbolised and celebrated — in flags, hymn and anthems, medals, awards, prizes, stamps and coins, in the rename of towns, streets and institutions. Leader cults are closely tied to the establish myths of new states .
In a state that is in the procedure of reinventing itself, the leader fad becomes the means by which newly rituals and traditions are instituted, employing symbols to bring consensus and a sense of shared identity in societies beset by latent conflict or apathy to the dominant allele ideology .
The tendency of the Party to view their leader in mythic, symbolic and representational terms was already in evidence with involve to Lenin equally early as 1923. For example, on 7 November 1923, Pravda declared : ‘ Lenin is not merely the name of a beloved drawing card ; it is a course of study and a tactic … and a philosophic world horizon … Lenin is the suffering for an idea … ’. After Lenin ’ s death, charisma came concisely to reside in the Party, however a charismatic drawing card ’ mho character could provide a more concrete and personalize symbol for Bolshevik values and imagination. Rees sees Stalin ’ mho cult in pragmatic sanction terms, as an entity that ‘ reflected the reality that Stalin could command more public defend than either the state or the party, and surely more support than the regimen ’ second representatives and agents in the localities ’. In fact, Nina Tumarkin argues that, by 1934, Lenin and his fad had been relegated to a supporting function as a kind of ‘ sacred ancestor ’ of Stalin .
As noted in the Introduction, Stalin regarded the Stalin name as symbolic of a created persona quite than as relating to his personal qualities as an individual. This view of Stalin as a ‘ symbol of the Party ’ was shared by other members and was made denotative in propaganda posters. Nikolai Bukharin was asked in 1933 why he and the early Party members had entrusted the leadership to such a ‘ annoy ’ as Stalin. Bukharin replied :
You do not understand, it was quite different ; he was not trusted, but he was the man whom the party trusted ; this is how it happened : he is like the symbol of the party, the lower level, the workers, the people trust him ; possibly it is our demerit, but that ’ s the direction it happened, that is why we all walked into his jaw … knowing probably that he would devour us .
A 1940 bill poster by Nikolai Zhukov ( Fig. 3.1 ) features a citation from Vyacheslav Molotov on the Stalin symbol : ‘ We have a mention that has become the symbol of the victory of socialism. It is the diagnose of the symbol of the moral and political oneness of the soviet people ! You know what that name is — STALIN ! ’ In the Short biography released in 1947, Stalin ’ s value as the symbol of a overplus of Bolshevik values is made explicit in the text : ‘ In the eyes of the peoples of the U.S.S.R., Stalin is the incarnation of their heroism, their sleep together of their country, their patriotism, ’ ‘ Stalin ’ south name is a symbol of the courage and the fame of the soviet people, and a birdcall to heroic deeds for the social welfare of their great country, ’ and ‘ The name of Stalin is a symbol of the moral and political integrity of soviet society. ’ Writing in 1971, with the profit of historical perspective, Roy Medvedev besides regarded Stalin as a rallying symbol to unify and give hope to a suffering population during the Great Patriotic War : ‘ Stalin ’ mho image became a sort of symbol existing in the popular mentality independently from its actual pallbearer. During the war years, as the soviet people were battered by improbable miseries, the name of Stalin, and the faith in him, to some degree, pulled the soviet people together, giving them hope of victory. ’ Evidence exists that this was true for at least some soldiers. The writer Konstantin Simonov quoted an officer on the Stalingrad movement who said he ‘ gained all his forte from the mind that our great drawing card directs everything in our enormous causal agent from his office in Moscow and thus invests in him, an ordinary colonel, part of his brilliance and spirit ’ .
The importance of maintaining central control over the image of Stalin was in attest adenine early on as December 1929 when, in preparation for celebration of Stalin ’ s fiftieth birthday, Glavlit published claim regulations with involve to the manipulation of Stalin ’ randomness double in the iron, prohibiting the manipulation of printer ’ south blocks bearing Stalin ’ s image other than those issued by the Press-klishe section of the ROSTA press representation. From the mid-1930s the journal Iskusstvo ran several articles guiding artists on how to portray the leader. The first version of Iskusstvo in 1935 featured full-page portraits of Lenin and Stalin, with Stalin depicted adopting the ‘ hand-in ’ pose. The sixth edition in 1937 included illustrate articles titled ‘ Lenin in portraits, 1933–37 ’, ‘ New portraits of Comrade Stalin ’, and ‘ Characteristics of the art of the epoch of Stalin ’, each running for several pages. From around 1934 Stalin was visually distinguished from other leaders in propaganda, suggesting that he was the ‘ first gear among equals ’ and had exceeding, although human, qualities. Plamper observes that Stalin was distinguished from others by his size, his position in the visualize plane, the color of his dress ( which was frequently retouched ), by the fact that his arm was frequently raised higher than those of others, by the fact that his hands never touched his face, by the direction of his gaze outside the video plane, by props such as his pipe, and by limited mention in the post horse subtitle .
The need to closely control Stalin ’ sulfur prototype is besides apparent in the type of censoring and ‘ retouching ’ performed on photograph of Stalin. In his books The commissar vanishes and Red asterisk over Russia, David King documents the thorough censoring of photographic images, which included not only the deletion of newly undesirable figures from group scenes, but besides the insertion of people into scenes at which they were not present, the confluence of photographic images, and the interpolation of supernumerary objects into a scene. In her study of photograph of Stalin, Leah Dickerman notes the habit of specific devices : ‘ smoothing Stalin ’ s pockmarked expression and removing litter from his way ; inserting textbook on banners therefore that the estimate becomes legible ; enlarging an adulatory crowd through collage … ’. such censoring was frequently heavy-handed and obvious and there was no attempt to keep the function of censors beneath the populace radar. Dickerman argues that the populace and visible nature of censoring was itself an undertake by the department of state to demonstrate its authority over the medium of photography, specially as the informant images were often well known. such censoring, Plamper notes, besides had as a primary goal the removal of ambiguity. The number of possible meanings that could be ascribed to images was narrowed and contained, a process that was aided far in the case of propaganda posters by the caption textbook .
such thorough state operate of representations of the drawing card did not originate with the Stalinist government. In fact, the photographic delineation of Bolshevik Party leaders was centralised and placed under the control condition of the secret patrol vitamin a early as 1924. Nor was this phenomenon peculiar to the Soviet Union. As noted in the Introduction, leaders throughout history have sought to control the production and dissemination of their images amongst the citizenry using court-commissioned artists to create their portraiture, and formally sanctioned methods of replica. Elizabeth I of England issued edicts to regulate the way in which her image could be depicted on sail. In Taiwan during the 1930s, contemporaneous with the fad of Stalin, the Officers ’ Moral Endeavour Association ( OMEA, lizhishe ) fostered painters such as Liang Zhongming and Xu Jiuling who then drilled early artists in the right portrait of Chiang Kai-Shek and actively sought to learn from soviet and american propaganda techniques. In 1955, a team of soviet artists arrived in China to teach chinese artists to paint in a socialist realist style. The taiwanese propaganda apparatus soon set up its own guidelines for painting portraits of Mao Zedong, which took into account some strictly taiwanese cultural predispositions. regulation of Mao ’ mho effigy went a step far, with the politics decreeing how the portraits were to be handled and attend .
The Stalin character, like most symbols, was multifaceted, ductile, and subject to change over time. In the early days of Stalin ’ randomness rule, the Party leadership was presented as a reasonably anonymous corporate with few pictures of leaders appearing in the press and Stalin much appearing alongside other leaders or generic workers in posters. Sarah Davies and James Heizer both note that in 1929, when Stalin did appear, he was generally depicted as ‘ iron-willed, cold, distant, and pitiless ’, however, in some bill poster images between 1927 and 1932, Stalin can be seen with a faint Giacondian smile. otherwise, posters tend to focus on workers and the progress of industrialization — Stalin is not the central double and depictions of him consist largely of head shots in which his formulation is neutral and few clues are given as to his personal qualities .
Davies sees 1933 as the year in which the full-blown cult of Stalin began to emerge, and 1934 as the year in which it ‘ exploded ’. By 1933 Stalin was sometimes referred to with the name liubimyi ( beloved ) and, by 1935, his portrait visualize was softening reasonably as he smiled or waved at crowd. Despite the increasing tendency to eulogise Stalin, beginning in 1934, he was still entirely the man who leads the Party, first and foremost of the leaders of the people. Stalin was frequently shown in the media meet and mix with the people. This new emphasis on the relationship between the drawing card and the people can be demonstrated by the remarks of Aleksandr Ugarov, irregular secretary of the Leningrad obkom, in connection with the planning for the Day of the Constitution on 6 July 1935 : ‘ This matter has to be organised in an basically different way from in former years. The political explanations should be organised so that people feel that soviet leaders are coming to them and telling them about the achievements of soviet democracy. ’ By 1936, the cult progressed however further, with the emphasis on developing a fanatic cult following for the Party leadership and in particular, Stalin, as in this local Party report :
During agitation and propaganda in the weight-lift there must be more popularization of the vozhdi, and love for them must be fostered and inculcated in the masses, and unlimited loyalty, specially by cultivating the last sexual love for brother Stalin and the other leaders amongst children and young people, inculcating soviet patriotism, bringing them to fanaticism in love and defense of brother Stalin and our socialist fatherland .
By the late 1930s, adulation for Stalin in propaganda was increasing. Stalin became the leader creditworthy for all of the new socialistic construction taking place, the inspiration for record-breaking flights and newly feats of exploration, the creator of the glorious new constitution and the only person capable of identifying and purging the regimen ’ mho enemies. The german invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 appears to have authentically taken Stalin by surprise and undermined his confidence, specially as he had publicly maintained that Germany would not invade. The façade of rampaging success became impossible to maintain. Stalin ’ mho appearances in the urge decreased, although he was placid quoted, and his persona in propaganda posters besides diminished. After victory Stalin reappeared as more exultant than before the war and with a mandate for leadership in his own correct, reasonably independent of his need to appeal to Lenin ’ s bequest. Victory was celebrated, with Stalin as its generator, and his image was often treated like an icon. By 1949 Stalin was besides portrayed as a jesus and bringer of peace .
The persona of Stalin not alone evolve and adapted to circumstances over a farseeing time period of time, but besides exhibited considerable breadth, holding the widest possible attract to diverse audiences. There was a latent hostility between the need to control Stalin ’ s effigy through centralization and censoring, which restricted mean to within narrowly specify constructs, and the need to offer a plurality of meanings to reach the widest possible audience. This latter led to ‘ overcoding ’ of the image and a situation where symbols associated with the image contained a battalion of meanings that, if not wholly confounding, sometimes sat together anxiously or appeared to be mutually exclusive. In early words, Stalinist symbolism can appear confusing if examined broadly and objectively and with a see to finding coherent and consistent intend. In his study of Napoleon and history paint, Christopher Prendergast notes the same tendency with propagandist portrayals of Napoleon, arising largely from the fact that there was an undertake to show Napoleon simultaneously as a triumphant general and a beneficent drawing card. The Stalin cult besides had to reconcile within the one persona both his image as an iron-willed military winner ( both in the Civil War and late in the Great Patriotic War ) and the appearance of being a humanist and caring leader providing for soviet citizens. These two elements were expressed by the Warrior and the Father archetypes, and were slightly reconciled ( if not entirely convincingly ) in the adoption of the Saviour original. Thomas Mathews ’ observations with involve to portraits of Christ apply evenly well here. Mathews notes that the images correspond to what people needed from Christ, preferably than to any intrinsic qualities and this has resulted in a overplus of representations of Christ that, as a whole, have fiddling consistency and sometimes demonstrate perplex contradictions .
Stalin ’ s relationship with Lenin, as depicted in propaganda, was another area of ambiguity, and highlights the androgyny of the symbolism associated with some charismatic leaders. In her study of mythopoetic elements in memories of Stalin, Natalia Skradol explores how Stalin ’ s mythology places him both as Lenin ’ s son and as a classify of symbolic husband to Lenin. In this latter outline, Lenin is the mother figure who gives birth to the government, and dies doing so, while Stalin receives the newborn into his hands and raises it. This notion is made explicit in a mint bill poster of 1947 by Iraklii Toidze ( Fig. 3.2 ) which is discussed in detail in Chapter Four .
Igor Golomshtok observes in relation to soviet writing style painting under Stalin that the fundamental undertaking of soviet art was to interpret the Stalin symbol through a multitude of prisms : ‘ Stalin — let alone Lenin — was more a symbol than a man, and the function of soviet art was to decipher this symbol, to reveal unlike aspects of the being of this acid in thousands upon thousands of writing style paintings. ’ The french biographer of Stalin, Henri Barbusse, got to the southern cross of the topic when he observed that Stalin had ‘ the grimace of a proletarian, the head of a learner, and in the clothing of a bare soldier ’. This ‘ triple nature ’ immediately invites a comparison with the ‘ Holy Trinity ’ and highlights the ability of the Stalin character to both compound several natures in one being, and to appear as different things to different people, a sort of charming shape-shifting ability that befits a sorcerer or a deity. Alfred J. Rieber sees the roots of Stalin ’ s multiple and sometimes contradictory identities as deriving from deeper, sometimes unconscious sources from within Stalin himself as he struggled to reconcile his georgian beginnings with his proletarian values and political biography in Russia .
stalin : ‘ Man of Steel ’
It is well known that the alias adopted by Stalin, inconsistently at first from around 1910, and which by and by came to substitute for his own surname and to symbolise his character, translates as ‘ Man of Steel ’. Stalin, like Lenin and the other Bolshevik revolutionaries, had used many cell names during his underground career. The two others to endure throughout his life, specially amongst near comrades from the early days, were ‘ Soso ’ and ‘ Koba ’. There are, possibly, a concourse of reasons for Dzhugashvili choosing the nickname ‘ Stalin ’ and besides for why it stuck. Montefiore suggests that the appellation ‘ Man of Steel ’ suited Stalin ’ s fictional character and, undoubtedly, his conception of himself. Montefiore besides draws a parallel with the case of Lenin, who had 160 aliases, but kept Lenin because it was the byline he used on his What is to be done ? tract, the article with which he made his repute. Stalin used the Stalin byline on his article on nationalities, which made his reputation. The name Stalin sounded russian and was alike to ‘ Lenin ’. In addition, Stalin ’ s Bolshevik comrades were doing a lot the like thing : Scriabin became Molotov ( Hammer Man ) and Rosenfeld became Kamenev ( Man of Stone ) .
The use of ‘ steel ’ as a metaphor in portrayals of Stalin implied personal qualities of courage, decision, cruelty, formidability, and unbreakability. These qualities were compatible with those required in an underground revolutionist, and translated well into the leadership function, particularly under the awful circumstances that existed in the newcomer soviet regimen, but besides in view of the continue threats posed by inner and external enemies throughout Stalin ’ s rule. Stalin may besides have had earlier metaphorical associations with the bully metals from his georgian childhood. Rieber posits that the cult of iron and steel was a far-flung and possibly unique phenomenon in the Caucasus, particularly in the oral tradition of epic Ossetian tales. One of the most popular heroes is Soslan Stal ’ noi who was a defender ( and sometimes revengeful destroyer ) of his family .
Iron and steel besides had significant metaphorical associations for soviet company. During the 1930s Lazar Kaganovich earned the nickname ‘ Iron Lazar ’, possibly for both his iron will in executing the orders of Stalin, and because of his position as people ’ randomness commissar for the railways, in charge of building the Moscow Metro. Iron and steel were all-important to soviet efforts to industrialise quickly, and manufacture impressive new soviet cities, including the plan reconstruction of Moscow. During the 1930s Stalin was frequently depicted amid scenes of gigantic socialistic construction, surrounded by huge structures of concrete and steel, and besides as showing the way forward with sweetheart outstretched arm and steely gaze. This display of ‘ cast-iron will ’ continued in the posters of the war years, with Stalin becoming the rallying symbol of the determination of the nation to hold out against the fascist menace and to force victory. Stalin was closely associated with achievements in soviet aviation and the aircraft of the Soviet Airforce were referred to as staln ’ ye ptitsy ( birds of steel ), while flyers became known as Stalinskim sokolam ( Stalin ’ randomness falcons ). The steely determination of Stalin ’ mho gaze and position added force to the words of bill poster captions, normally Stalin ’ s own words from speeches in which he exhorted and cajoled the citizenry to join their will for victory to his own. When Stalin refused to evacuate Moscow and the Kremlin with the rest of the government, he was seen to be living up to his appellation of ‘ Man of Steel ’ .
Stalin and the sun
One of the key symbols associated with Stalin in propaganda is the sun, with its associate qualities of unhorse and affectionateness. The sun is a perennial motif throughout propaganda associated with leaders since pre-christian times, when leaders appealed to their sun gods to look favorably upon their leadership, their battles and their harvests. Plamper traces the association of this trope with the leader in Russia back to the 17th-century court poet Simeon Polotskii. Associating a leader with the sun suggests that he is the bringer of life and of bounty to the people. That Stalin approved of the use of this symbol for his leadership seems apparent because inquiry into his personal library has shown that, in a bible about Napoleon, Stalin annotated the passage ‘ Had Napoleon been forced to choose a religion, he would have chosen to worship the sun, which fertilizes everything and is the on-key idol of the earth ’, with the bible ‘ Good ’, and circled the word ‘ sunlight ’ in red .
The sunlight became a cardinal image in Stalinist propaganda, with Stalin uniquely equated with the sunday in poetry and song, while propaganda posters frequently associated Stalin with light in general. At a meeting of shock workers in February 1936, the Dagestani tribe poet Suleiman Stalskii referred to Stalin as the sun who ‘ illuminates the universe ’. Hymns and songs dedicated to Stalin celebrate him with the words ‘ Like the sunlight, you have illumined the area ’, or ‘ glory to the fortunate sun, glory to the stars on the Kremlin, Glory to our native Stalin ’, or ‘ glory to our beget earth ! glory to the crimson sun in the Kremlin ! ’ In a 1937 editorial in Literaturnaia Gazeta it was suggested that Stalin ’ s warmth was indeed powerful that it could even protect his falcons against the freeze Arctic temperatures. possibly one of the most labor metaphorical associations of Stalin with the light of the sun occurs in a poem by Kazakh poet Dzhambul. This encomiastic forms the textbook of a bill poster by Vartan Arakelov which was released in 1939, the class of Stalin ’ s sixtieth birthday celebrations ( Fig. 3.3 ). Stalin is celebrated as the father of children of all nations and tribes, and the generator of a radiate and shimmering abstemious, which reflects onto everyone. Despite the fatherly connotations of the text, this poster prototype of Stalin emphasises his farness from the kingdom of man and endows him with the qualities of a deity. Stalin is made of stone, an respect reserved for founding fathers and those who have accomplished especial feats. The statue is immutable and deity. It stands amid lavish blossoms, above children, looking protectively out over the scene and beyond, a god that guarantees abundance and safety, and invites fear and worship. The children, from respective nationalities, can not hope to access Stalin personally and rather do so through his congressman in the earthly kingdom, the poet Dzhambul, who sings words of praise of Stalin to the children, accompanying himself on the dombra .
The 1939 Uzbek post horse, ‘ So — greetings, Stalin, and live for a hundred years … ’ ( Fig. 3.4 ) by Konstantin Cheprakov, dates from the immediate prewar earned run average in which Stalin ’ s munificence extended beyond the borders of Russia and out to all the nationalities and states of the Soviet Union. Uzbekistan is one of the many countries that at that clock made up the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. This post horse illustrates the gratitude to Stalin of the Uzbek people for the build of the 270-kilometre-long Great Fergana Canal to irrigate the cotton fields, and therefore create cotton independence for the Soviet Union. Stalin is surrounded by a flowing multitude of Uzbek peasants bearing flowers and displaying the fruits of their irrigate fields. Stalin gives and receives congratulations to Molotov who, due to his status in the composing and the classifiable color of his invest, occupies center stagecoach. Interestingly, Molotov is besides the center of light up in the post horse, with a subdued Stalin in muted tones placed off in the shadows to the correct .
Despite Stalin ’ s reluctance to assume the limelight in the ocular component of the bill poster, the text of the post horse — ‘ So — greetings, Stalin, and live for a hundred years, polish like the sunlight, live for victory ! And run us on the way to victory ! Accept the country ’ s joyous greetings ! ’ — makes it clear to whom the Uzbek people owe their gratitude for the canal which is to be their lifeblood. In fact, Stalin is responsible for more than equitable water for the crops, he besides provides the sunlight. Molotov takes concentrate stage because Stalin allows him to do thus, a materialization of Stalin ’ second modesty and humility. The text makes net that all of the exemplify bounty is ascribable to the bless bestowed by Stalin. By appearing to be a spontaneous flush of gratitude from the hearts of the people, both the image and the text illustrate the adjust relationship between the leaders and the people .
A 1948 Uzbek bill poster by Mikhail Reikh ( Fig. 3.5 ) besides celebrates abundance and Stalin as the sun. The post horse is dominated by a bust of Stalin emblazoned across a crimson flip. Stalin appears like the rising sun, illuminating the Uzbek people below who look to the flip, arms outstretched to offer thanks to the source of birthrate and abundance. In their arms they hold offerings of bouquets of cotton and ears of pale yellow, and blossoming roses surround the bill poster caption. The caption, in both Uzbek and Russian, name Stalin as the sunday and is taken from a letter signed by 26,474,646 Komsomol and youth on 3 November 1947 : ‘ For communism ! sol young exclaims, and this cry is heard in the distance. Youth swears allegiance, Comrade Stalin is the Sun of all the ground ! ’
Stalin ’ s association with heat and the sun is besides the submit of a 1949 bill poster by an unidentified artist, ‘ We are warmed by Stalin ’ s affection ’ ( Fig. 3.6 ) .The poster features a smiling break of Stalin, with military choker but without capital, surrounded by the smaller heads of 15 children. Beneath Stalin is a laurel wreath that, with his military uniform and the fireworks and searchlights below, visually references victory in the Great Patriotic War. The children, who look ethnically georgian, are encased in flowers, many of their heads appearing to grow out of the petals. The five children at the base of the poster appear to rise up from a bowl of fruit. Fruit, flowers and children all testify to the fertility and abundance of the socialist utopia. Behind the youngest child, in the center at the base, the steeple of the Spassky tugboat rises, leading straight to the portrayal of Stalin and thus linking the two symbols. Stalin is located at the military position of deity, but besides appears as the forefather of the children, a point that has particular plangency because of Stalin ’ randomness Georgian roots. Above their heads, but below Stalin, fireworks and searchlights illuminate the violet sky. Stalin glows with a whiten light and, in the heavenly region that he inhabits, the integral setting consists of the white light that emanates from him. The text of the post horse is in russian and georgian and celebrates the gladden of childhood, cheery Georgia and Stalin : ‘ We are warmed by Stalin ’ sulfur affection, We carry rejoice and happiness, / We are cheery georgian children, / Singing a birdcall to Stalin ! ’ It is flanked by scenes of georgian life — traditional architecture juxtaposed with new construction, and a string rushing through lavish fields of crops .
numerous posters depict Stalin as the reference of light or as illuminated by a inner light from above, and Stalin was associated with both natural and artificial luminosity. A celebrated case of this version of the metaphor is Stalin Prize winner Viktor Ivanov ’ s ‘ Great Stalin is the beacon of communism ! ’ of 1949 ( Fig. 3.7 ). Stalin stands alone in his study, in front of a bookshelf containing the collected works of Marx and Engels, Lenin, and his own writings. Although he is lit from above, the textbook makes it clear that it is Stalin who is the guiding faint of communism. respective posters celebrating Stalin ’ sulfur function in guiding the nation to victory in the Great Patriotic War show the flip lit up with fireworks and searchlights. During vacation celebrations Stalin ’ s visualize was sometimes projected onto clouds in the night sky, so that he appeared to be hovering over the crowd on a air of light like a protective deity .
Stalin was besides associated with electric light. Lenin had been strongly associated with electricity as a consequence of concert propaganda campaigns to electrify the state using the motto : ‘ Communism is soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country. ’ Lightbulbs were normally referred to as ‘ Ilich ’ s little lamp ’ and Lenin was thanked for delivering electricity to new communes. Tumarkin parallels this position with the Orthodox tradition of linking the saints with water sources they miraculously found. During Stalin ’ sulfur leadership, electrification remained strongly tied to Lenin, although Stalin was besides associated with bringing baron to the nation through massive industrial projects like the Dnieper Dam. Some posters visually juxtapose images of Stalin and Lenin, suggesting that Stalin was carrying on Lenin ’ s pioneering bring in electrification in the present day .
This focus on light in the Stalin era besides extended to an compulsion with light fittings and lamps, which occupied a special seat in the interior design of railway stations, theatres, and public buildings. The lights in the Metro stations were so glorious they were described as an ‘ artificial underground sunlight ’. A celebrated poster of 1940 by honoured graphic artist Viktor Govorkov, ‘ Stalin takes care of each of us from the Kremlin ’ ( Fig. 3.8 ), shows Stalin seated at his desk in the Kremlin, working through the night, lightly illuminated by his desk lamp. This lamp was to become separate of the mythology of Stalin and an emblem of his care for the soviet people. Each night, whether or not he was actually at the Kremlin, a lamp was lit in the window as a symbol of Stalin ’ south constant watchfulness and diligence .
Stalin as the helmsman and engine driver
Although the epithet ‘ The Great Helmsman ’ is normally associated in stream terminology with Mao Zedong, Stalin was besides known by this epithet and appeared in political posters as the captain of a ship, or as the driver of a train. The helmsman visualize has a retentive history of association with skilled leadership and was a common theme in Byzantine woo literature, and Ancient Greek and Ancient Roman literature and philosophy. Maurizio Vito besides notes a usage of the helmsman metaphor by St John Chrysostom in which the helmsman is endowed with gifts that belong to divine providence. When a helmsman appears as a character in literature, he is often the mouthpiece for the writer ’ s political views and, by nature of his function, demonstrates strong leadership qualities. The helmsman symbol is part of a larger field of metaphors in which the ship represents the state, navigation represents cognition, skill and worry, and the travel becomes an odyssey. Michel Foucault notes the use of this group of metaphors in classical poetry and philosophy and observes that the navigation metaphor implies three types of cognition possessed by the skilled helmsman associated with medicate, political politics and self-government. The helmsman effigy carries within it multiple implications. The helmsman is able to care for himself and for others, exerts both self-denial and political leadership, and has the wisdom to take account of the many aspects necessity to navigate a skilled path through much stormy waters ( navigating by the stars, understanding the weather and wind, cognition of the currents, cognition of how the transport operates ). ultimately, there is the understanding that he holds his position with godhead accept .
A 1933 poster by highly decorated satirist, caricaturist, ROSTA and TASS artist Boris Efimov depicts Stalin as the helmsman steering the ship of the USSR ( Fig. 3.9 ). In his greatcoat and plain workman ’ randomness cap, a hearty and big-shouldered Stalin grasps the helm with two boastfully tauten hands, his argus-eyed gaze out over his left shoulder keeping lookout against enemies and electric potential threats. following to him, the soviet flag flaps in the breeze and behind him, in the exceed leave of the poster, is the middle of a huge ship with its loss star emblem. The bottom correct of the poster contains the text in little red letters, ‘ The captain of the Soviet Union leads us from victory to victory ! ’ The text advises the viewer that not only is Stalin keeping the Soviet Union safe from injury, but he is besides steering a travel of multiple victories — in fact the entire travel consists of a travel from one port of victory to another ( from socialism to communism ). It is implicit that without him the ship would sink. The bill poster is slightly unusual in that is does not refer to Stalin by name in the text but uses the ‘ captain ’ metaphor rather. This poster must have been considered an significant propaganda cock because it was issued in an edition of 200,000 in 1933, before such big editions became platitude .
Another trope related to the helmsman is that of the locomotive driver. Due to the far more holocene emergence of the train and the dragoon, this metaphor can not boast the lapp long history of habit as the helmsman metaphor, although, for obvious reasons, it is related to ( possibly even an update reference of ) the helmsman metaphor, in keeping with the soviet emphasis on modernity and progress. There is one significant remainder between the ship and the train : a helmsman must use all his cognition and skill to navigate a safe route among many possible other routes, while the gearing driver has no choice of alternate routes and must follow the tracks. The train driver ’ sulfur character involves keeping the engine guide, avoiding pitfalls, and managing speed and brake. The locomotive is much used as a metaphor for history, and there is inevitability about the finish along a route that was already laid out before the locomotive driver sat at the controls. This makes the train a particularly apt metaphor for the communist travel. According to Marxist hypothesis, scientific laws govern history, and the final address of communism is inevitable. The leader is a caretaker of the state until it is no longer needed and withers away. Once the finish is reached, neither the train nor the trail driver will be needed .
The metaphor of the train is employed in a 1939 political post horse by Pavel Sokolov-Skalia discussed in Chapter Two. This post horse shares with the 1933 Efimov post horse the notion of a potent, wise drawing card who has firm control, equally well as that of the travel from success to achiever. In both posters Stalin is shown as in firm master of a huge and mighty machine. In the 1939 bill poster, the text makes explicit that Stalin is ‘ try and test ’, a man of cognition and experience. He is the only one of the four marxist theorists depicted on the streamer decorating the side of the train to have actual and enduring experience in making a socialist society work. This is why he drives .
implicitly related to the emblematic identities of helmsman and trail driver are the ‘ way ’ metaphors that frequently appear in the text of posters, and which are visually represented by the outstretched arm and point handwriting, and the guidance of the leader ’ second gaze. The ‘ line ’ or ‘ path ’ is the correct manner in which to achieve socialism and communism, and implies that there is lone one chastise steering, political orientation or scheme. In soviet propaganda, this direction is indicated by the drawing card ( who may be driving a string down the railroad tracks, pointing or gazing ) and the citizenry are duty-bound to follow him because no other way is correct or acceptable. Jeffrey Brooks points out that, although this metaphor was frequently used by Lenin, it is not borrowed from Marx and Engels, who employed dim metaphors for development and emergence. This metaphor is besides implied in the ‘ Forward to the victory of communism ’ posters that are discussed in Chapter Four .
Stalin the architect
The notion of Stalin as the architect of soviet communism dates to the time of the burgeon of the Stalin cult in 1934. On 1 January 1934, in Pravda, Karl Radek published a laudatory article on Stalin titled ‘ The architect of socialistic society ’, which was then reissued as a tract in an version of 225,000. Written after his expulsion from the Party for ‘ oppositionist activities ’ in 1927, and readmission to Party ranks after capitulating to Stalin in 1930, the booklet has the intriguing subtitle : ‘ the ninth in a course of lectures on “ The history of the victory of socialism ”, delivered in 1967 at the School of Inter-Planetary Communications on the fiftieth anniversary of the October Revolution ’, and its contented is so excessively encomiastic that it is difficult to determine just how one should read it. After signing a document capitulating to Stalin in 1929, Radek was readmitted to the Party in 1930 and went on to lead Cominform and deliver a keynote address at the Writers Conference of 1934. He was arrested in the purges of 1937 and subsequently died in the gulag during a conviction of 10 years heavily labour. Radek argues that Stalin, preferably than Lenin, was the architect of socialism. He acknowledges that Stalin stood on the shoulders of Lenin, but claims that in executing Lenin ’ mho will, Stalin had to take many daring mugwump decisions and to develop Lenin ’ s teachings in the same manner that Lenin had further developed those of Marx. Interestingly, Radek employs the helmsman metaphor with Stalin called upon by history ‘ to take the helm and steer the gallant ship of Lenin through storm and stress ’, describes Stalin as ‘ a pillar of fire ’ who ‘ marched in front of world and led the way ’, and speaks of Stalin as being ‘ steeled in the indefatigable contend against the scores of shades of the petit larceny bourgeois motion ’. These and relate metaphors recur with humdrum regularity throughout the tract, constituting a number of the canon of tropes associated with Stalin .
When Radek wrote in 1934, the Congress of Victors had just declared the full accomplishment of socialism and the new tax of progressing to the higher degree, communism, had commenced. By the time the two posters celebrating Stalin as the architect of communism appeared, Stalin was an honest-to-god man, already over 70, and the quest to introduce a communist society had been taking place for 17 years, complicated by the need for defense mechanism in the Great Patriotic War. A 1951 post horse by Boris Belopol ’ skii carries the subtitle ‘ Glory to Stalin, the great architect of communism ! ’ ( Fig. 3.10 ) and was issued in a massive edition of half a million copies, which suggests that it was viewed as an authoritative assemble of propaganda. The bill poster, in pale blues and muted browns typical of the pastel shades of the ‘ era of abundance ’, is dominated by Stalin, depicted with attributes of leadership ( his mobilize ’ s uniform ) and standard props ( lightless pipe in the right hand and scroll in the left ). At the misprint level, the scroll is suggestive of an architect ’ mho blueprints, but at a symbolic floor it besides references the scroll or son held by Christ. Behind Stalin, bathed in a white glow that appears to emanate from him, is the raw hydroelectric make being undertake across the soviet territories. The inscription on the decameter wall is carved in stone and reads ‘ “ Communism is soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country. ” Lenin ’, an iconic Lenin motto, to which Radek besides draws attention in his tract. In the army for the liberation of rwanda distance is a small statue of Lenin, the man upon whose basis Stalin was building. There are two groups of figures in the post horse, both existing only in ordain to react ( and illustrate for the viewer the compensate attitude to take ) to Stalin. The group of men on the left, who appear to be professional workers associated with bringing the communist dream to fruition, stare up at Stalin with awe and respect. In the bottom-right corner, passerby on a barge hail Stalin with visible enthusiasm. Stalin pays no attention to them and gazes out to the viewer ’ randomness right at a future that only he can see. By focusing on Stalin, the other figures demonstrate that it is Stalin who embodies the communist future. Like a priest or shaman, Stalin acts as a sort of mediator between the vision and the people .
The second bill poster, by N. Petrov and Konstantin Ivanov ( Fig. 3.11 ), was published in 1952 and carries the lapp motto as the Belopol ’ skii bill poster. This poster uses black-and-white photography as a mean of documentary evidence of the progress of soviet company. Stalin is superimposed in front man of a watch of Moscow and is looking up the Volga River. The city appears to be bustling with pedestrians, cars and river dealings, and is bathed in a egg white light which besides shines on Stalin from above. Stalin again looks out of the picture, this meter to the spectator ’ sulfur left, which is normally associated with the past, and suggests that Stalin is surveying what has already been achieved. The post horse plays on the two levels of mean of the architect symbol. Stalin is literally shown as responsible for the planning and rebuild of Moscow, which commenced in 1935, but besides creditworthy for planning and building the new communist club. Moscow was seen as a symbol for the solid federation, her transformation a metaphor for the moral and political transformation of the whole of soviet company. Katerina Clark points out that, although merely parts of Moscow were rebuilt, it was normally represented as being wholly rebuilt, and photograph of models were often presented ( as in the character of the Palace of Soviets ) as if the newly buildings already existed. Moscow was besides represented — in Stalin ’ s ‘ Greetings on her 800th anniversary ’ in 1947, for example — as a sort of emblematic jesus of the West, having liberated the West from the Tartar yoke, repulsed the Polish–Lithuanian invasion in the Time of Troubles, repelled Napoleon in 1812, and won the Great Patriotic War against the fascists .
Archetypes of reciprocality
The Stalin cult made use of a issue of symbols and archetypes to demonstrate the many facets of the leader and his relationship to the people, which in turn served as a model for both the raw soviet person and the fresh society. Two of the most permeant and cardinal archetypes associated with Stalin are those of the Father and the Teacher. These archetypes are clear-cut, but close refer, as both involve notions of province, care and mentoring relationships, but only the Father original implies kinship between participants. It is here that the relationship between the drawing card and his people enters the region of myth and besides, it may be argued, that the deepest kingdom of the unconscious are tapped by cult propaganda. Before investigating how the Father and Teacher archetypes manifested in the fad of Stalin, it is necessary to briefly examine the nature of soviet company and how these archetypes tapped into systems of reciprocal obligation already in universe .
The constructs of the ‘ economy of the endowment ’ and the ‘ politics of obligation, ’ as explored by Brooks, are important concepts in understanding the way in which soviet club functioned under Stalin, and besides in making sense of propaganda which fostered a sense of obligation to the leader. These terms refer to an economic system whereby the citizenry receives ordinary goods and services as gifts from the leadership. In What was socialism, and what comes next ?, anthropologist Katherine Verdery uses the simpleton analogy of the all-American lemonade stand to emphasise one of the apposite points of deviation between capitalistic and socialistic systems :
In capitalism, those who run lemonade stands endeavour to serve thirsty customers in ways that make a net income and outcompete other lemonade stand owners. In socialism, the point was not profit, but the relationship between thirsty persons and the one with the lemonade — the Party center, which appropriated from producers the assorted ingredients ( lemons, sugar, water ) and then mixed the lemonade to reward them with, as it saw fit. Whether person made a profit was irrelevant : the transaction underscored the center ’ s paternalistic superiority over its citizens — that is, its capacity to decide who got more lemonade and who got less .
Verdery goes on to point out that goods produced in the socialist countries were either gathered and held centrally, or about given away to sections of the population at low prices. The socialist contract guaranteed food and invest, but not quality, handiness or choice, and the goods produced frequently could not compete on global markets with goods produced in capitalist countries. The point was not to sell the goods, but to control redistribution, because that was how the leadership confirmed its authenticity with the public .
In song, film, dramaturgy and posters, Stalin was promoted as the benefactor of all company. All amplitude came from Stalin in his character as capitulum of state. While in numerous ways the cult of Lenin formed a prototype for the cult of Stalin, the two cults differed in one important deference. As Brooks points out, cipher had to thank Lenin for their ‘ felicitous childhood ’, nor were they indebted to him personally. Lenin was not the wellhead of all accomplishments and, although he received gifts, he wasn ’ t deluged with them in the way that Stalin was as his cult grew. The celebration of Stalin ’ s 70th birthday on 21 December 1949, was overseen by a specially assembled ‘ Committee for Preparations of Comrade Stalin ’ s Birthday ’, with the festivities costing 5.6 million rubles and attracting thousands of pilgrims. Trainloads of gifts arrived from around the world, and from nationalities within the territories of the USSR. Accompanying the gifts, were display cases wide of letters of beloved and gratitude to Stalin, some hand-embroidered on linen or silk, or contained in elaborately carved caskets, others simple and apparently dear. In Lenin ’ sulfur time, citizens were made aware that they were obligated, but they owed their gratitude to the Revolution, the Party and the state, rather than to the leader. By the mid-1930s, Stalin had become a symbol for the Party, with the two entities synonymous, so that expressing gratitude to Stalin ( which was easier than directing gratitude to a faceless entity ) was equivalent to giving thanks to the Party and the submit. Nikolai Ssorin-Chaikov and Olga Sosnina charge out : ‘ Within this idiom of gratitude, the gifts to Stalin are counter-gifts for socialism ; a gift from the socialist state as a beautiful artifact given to its citizens and embodied in the wish and the “ love of the drawing card ”. ’ Viewing Stalin as the source of all benefits had the extra effect of removing agency from all other actors in society, and thus reinforced Stalin ’ mho totalitarian control and undercut the moral standing of his opponents .
The endowment of concern, guidance and leadership from a benevolent Stalin to a grateful populace formed a central theme of Stalinist propaganda. By definition, gifts come without strings attached although, in practice, as Marcel Mauss points out, there is about constantly a reciprocal obligation, and what separates the give from economic transactions is the unspecified prison term delay between the two events. This time delay allows a reciprocal guise that the two events are not causally related and reciprocality remains hidden by common consent. The multiplicative inverse obligation owed to Stalin for his bountiful gifts took the form of spontaneous and excessive displays of gratitude .
Staged ‘ thanking ceremonies ’ became a part of the ritual of soviet public life. They were held in schools, and besides as part of early significant occasions, such as the open of Party congresses and the celebrations for the anniversary of the October Revolution. A woman brought up in the former 1930s recalled that the ritual of thanking Stalin was ‘ akin to thanking God for one ’ mho daily bread ’. The permeant public secular ritualistic offer of thanks and praise may be slightly unfamiliar phenomena to those raised in a western democratic company in the twenty-first hundred, however, the ritual of thanking Stalin was not without precedent in russian company. traditionally, the czar had been seen as the founder figure and benefactor of the state, as expressed in the proverb : ‘ Without the Tsar, the land is a widow ; without the Tsar, the people is an orphan. ’ Many of the characteristics of the people ’ mho kinship to the czar, including the tradition of diplomatic give giving to the tsars, were carried over to their relationship with the adjacent solid leader–saviour who took the helm of politics. russian traditions of bribery, official favor and tied the Orthodox giving of the sacraments, through which the believer can attain endless life, all contributed to a culture of duty .
In accession to the official collectivist economy, a second base economy coexisted during soviet times, which grew directly from the culture of giving giving. The condition bleat has an concern and revealing etymology, but was not broadly used in ‘ civilized company ’ ( being considered ‘ un-Soviet ’ ), and was normally alluded to with euphemisms. It refers to the far-flung practice of obtaining life ’ south essentials, which were often unavailable through official channels, using a system of ‘ connections ’ and ‘ acquaintances ’. Three points are all-important in understanding bleat — the first is that, as there was no individual ownership of anything, everything must be accessed through the department of state and state officials. The moment point is that, although the transactions involved the misappropriation and misdirection of jointly owned property, bleat did not tend to refer to incidents of outright bribery, which were seen as separate and normally criminal acts. Blat involved social networks and relationships, and the stretch of favours, often separated in time, so that they took on the quality of reciprocal cross giving giving. The third point is that this moment economy of bleat was dependent on the official economy, which controlled the mean of production, and was the informant of all goods and services. If one had eliminated the collectivist economy, rather than flourishing with opportunities for capitalist entrepreneurship, the second economy would have died .
Blat was all permeant because it was necessary for survival, and soviet club consisted of huge networks of patronize that ran both vertically and horizontally. Notions of giving giving, obligation, amplitude, reciprocality, and tied mentorship, were integral to soviet life, and Stalin merely sat at the lead of the pyramid, as the ultimate dispenser of goods and benefits to a network below. These networks of patronage were reinforced by the potent familial connections among the top Bolsheviks. Entire kin clans held leadership positions, and intermarry with each early in tight-knit circles. During the latter part of Stalin ’ second leadership, dutiful and obedient subordinates were given packets of cash, cars, apartments, dacha, holidays and early benefits directly as rewards for service and loyalty, and stores came into being that sold entirely to a restricted clientele, careless of how much money person outside the set may manage to accumulate. none of these goods was ever ‘ owned ’ by the recipients, everything belonged to the state, and could be removed at the caprice of Stalin. Montefiore observes : ‘ It used to be regarded as ironic to call the Soviet élite an “ nobility ” but they were much more like a feudal service nobility whose privileges were wholly pendent on their loyalty. ’
Notions of duty and reciprocal duty saturated soviet society at all levels and took a central situation in the government ’ south rituals, including such rituals as samokritika in which misguided subjects were required to apologise publicly to club for failing in their duty. These notions arose not alone out of Bolshevik ideology and partiinost ’, but besides from retentive russian cultural and religious traditions that predated the Revolution. The use of archetypes to formalise and give expression to these concepts not only served to create the appearance of the universe of a long tradition in the fledgling government, but enabled the populace to embrace their drawing card in a manner to which they were already accustomed, at both the conscious and subconscious mind charge. This served to enhance the authenticity of the leadership so that, as Pravda stated in 1941, the leaders were seen as ‘ the true heirs to the russian people ’ second great and ethical past ’ .
Stalin was not only the source of all amplitude, but besides the source of all accomplishments. Great care was taken to ensure that Stalin was powerfully associated with all the regimen ’ second achievements, while dissociated from catastrophes and failures, such as wedge collectivization, famine and the german invasion. Failures were blamed on sabotage, ‘ meddling ’, and the fanatic pastime of targets by local officials. Despite the many difficulties faced by the Soviet Union in dragging its economy into the twentieth hundred, the achievements touted in propaganda were not constantly empty grandiosity. There were significant accomplishments during Stalin ’ s reign, evening though some of these were achieved at the expense of ‘ slave labour ’ from the gulags and cost many homo lives .
One of the ways in which the sense of debt instrument was reinforced in soviet society was through the use of propaganda centred specifically around the theme of thanking and benevolence. I have divided posters on this composition into seven categories, according to the aspect of obligation and gratitude that they best reflect : posters that highlight the debt owed to Stalin for a happy childhood ; posters that highlight the debt owed by women for their modern equality in society to Stalin and the Party ; posters that thank Stalin, the Party and/or the Red Army for winning the war ; posters that acknowledge Stalin as the benefactor of all world ; posters that associate Stalin and the Party with great soviet achievements ; posters that admit and encourage those who strive to do their duty ; and, posters that appear to acknowledge that obligation is a bipartite street. Of these subgenres of the gratitude root, posters that associate Stalin and the Party with big soviet achievements and posters that thank Stalin/the Party/the Red Army for winning the war are by far the most numerous and could be considered together to make up a general composition of gratitude for ‘ Soviet victories ’. indeed, after the Great Patriotic War, propaganda posters frequently referred to soviet ‘ victories ’ in a manner that encompassed winning the war, the skill of socialism, the at hand attainment of communism, and record-breaking feats in workplaces, air travel and diametric exploration all at once. Posters that highlight the debt owed to Stalin for a glad childhood, and posters that highlight the debt owed by women for their new equality in society to Stalin and the Party normally engage the Father original in relation back to Stalin, as discussed below .
When examining the archetypes associated with Stalin, it is important to remember that it is only rarely that Stalin is seen to embody only one original in any given post horse. He is frequently representing at least two, and sometimes more. sometimes he makes symbolic gestures that can be read on a number of levels, at other times his ocular persona may suggest one original while the text specifies others, frequently several in the one caption — Stalin can be, all at once, ‘ beget, teacher, drawing card, friend, and galvanizer and organizer of victories ’. As noted earlier, this can lead to a slightly jumble blend of images and symbols which occasionally attempt awkward reconciliations of traits that are basically irreconcilable. It besides means that attempts to separate out posters as representing finical archetypes are slightly debatable. While the winder archetypes will be addressed individually in this survey for ease of rendition, it must constantly be borne in mind that there is frequently considerable overlap between archetypal identities, and besides some reasonably crystalline contradictions .
Stalin as the don of the nation
The major original associated with Stalin was that of Otets Narodov, the forefather of the people. In many ways, Stalin inherited the mantle of beget from Lenin who, in turn, inherited it from the tsars, although the scope of Lenin ’ s ‘ family ’ was initially slightly confined when compared to that of Stalin after him and the tsars before him. Under Stalin, Lenin was frequently depicted in propaganda for children as ‘ Grandpa Lenin ’ — in this schema Stalin is Lenin ’ south son who must step up and take responsibility for the syndicate when Lenin, the father, dies. Statements by leading members of the Party after Lenin ’ s end indicate profound despair at the prospect of continuing without him, merely as there had been deep distress among some of the peasants on earshot of the deposit of the czar. Trotskii ’ s words of 22 January 1924, echoing the well-known proverb about the czar, highlight Lenin ’ s parental function in the eyes of the Party : ‘ And now Vladimir Ilyich is no more. The party is orphaned. The workmen ’ s classify is orphaned. ’ indeed, Lenin may have reasonably subscribed to this see himself. As Tumarkin observes, Lenin repeatedly spoke of soviet Russia in terms which suggested it was a child in indigence of care and nourish. It is interesting to note that, in these early on years after the Revolution, with Civil War entirely a couple of years behind the fledgling nation, and classify struggle still at the forefront of propaganda, Trotskii does not refer to Lenin as the father of the solid nation. This is a clock time of the dictatorship of the labor as led by the vanguard party, where not everyone is equal, nor entitled to the benefits of socialist citizenship. Trotskii name Lenin as the founder of the Party and the knead class. In contrast, Stalinist propaganda from the mid-1930s took pains to portray Stalin as a don of all people of all the soviet nations, with this extending to the ‘ liberated ’ nations after the Great Patriotic War, and the entire world during the peace movement of the years of the Cold War. By extension, once class conflict had been eliminated and socialism achieved, Lenin excessively could be seen as a founding founder of the whole nation .
The notion of the knock-down male drawing card as a church father to his people is widespread and, as David Hoffmann points out, even in Britain in the twentieth hundred, the king was depicted as the beget of the people with the state taking on a female character as a fatherland, and compatriots seen as brothers and sisters. The kinship of father to son encompasses respective notions : the forefather raises the son to be a successful and dutiful citizen, the father nurtures and protects the son, the father teaches and guides the son, and the son reciprocates by being successful, showing gratitude and respect, and by making the beget gallant. In Stalinist society, particular emphasis was laid on the civil duty of parents to correctly educate their children in the liveliness of communism, flush instilling in them a willingness to lay down their lives for their area. In order to carry agency and enhance authenticity, it is crucial that the drawing card be seen as a church father to the citizenry, preferably than as a sibling or peer. This is particularly important in a government like that of soviet Russia, where the traditional father, the czar, had been overthrown, and a ability void existed. The church father figure must be quickly replaced and re-established to prevent chaos. The soviet population were sol habituate to think of Stalin as a founder design that many people were stunned when Stalin addressed them as ‘ brothers and sisters ’ in a speech in November 1941 .
Viewing Lenin and Stalin as fathers of the people had a farther dimension. For a child, a rear has always existed and atemporality is a feature of both the cult of Lenin and the fad of Stalin. For Lenin it is embodied in the celebrated words of poet Vladimir Maiakovskii : ‘ Lenin lived ! Lenin lives ! Lenin will live ! ’ and in the narrative of Khitryi Lenin. For Stalin this eternity was a outstanding feature of speech of many ‘ reminiscences ’ of average people ’ second encounters with him, bearing in mind that the authenticity of these accounts can not be verified ( i.e. they may have been written by propagandists quite than genuine ‘ dim-witted family ’ ) : ‘ He was talking so persuasively, intelligibly and merely, that many of us at that moment felt as if brother Stalin had been with us not for one calendar month, but for many years, that we had already heard those words a farseeing time ago and that they had taken deep roots in our consciousness. ’ This phenomenon is besides particularly apparent in the reactions of citizens to Stalin ’ s death .
A felicitous childhood
The use of the Father original in depictions of the leader enables the symbolic persona to convey both authority and benevolence simultaneously, equally well as inherently encapsulating the notion of a multiplicative inverse kinship of rights and obligations. One of the most concern ways in which this is manifested is in the propaganda posters on the theme of the glad childhood. These posters show happy, well-fed children in joyous climate, expressing their gratitude to the man responsible, the fatherly figure of Stalin. As Catriona Kelly observes :
‘ Happiness ’, traditionally understand as a state of matter of fortuitous delight descending on a person by chance, by act of God as it were, now became the just desert of all soviet citizens, but above all children. But ‘ happiness ’ placid had to be earned ; pleasure was the reward for subordination of the self .
happiness in soviet terms did not refer to the emotional state of the individual or to the avocation of individual fulfillment. Happiness, like everything else, was conceived of as a collective principle. Universal happiness was a duty, and to be glad was an act of commitment to the state and to the drawing card. Nadezhda Mandelstam recounts :
Everybody seemed purpose on his daily circle and went smilingly about the clientele of carrying out his instructions. It was necessity to smile — if you didn ’ triiodothyronine, it meant you were afraid or discontented. This cipher could afford to admit — if you were afraid, then you must have a bad conscience .
The theme of ‘ A happy childhood ’ was adopted for the 1936 May Day celebrations in Moscow. One of the more interest manifestations of this propaganda root was announced in an Izvestiia article of 1937 : ‘ The Moscow Bolshevik Factory is preparing special varieties of high-quality cookies to be called “ Happy Childhood ” and “ Union ”. The cookies will be packaged in beautifully designed boxes. ’ The first gear propaganda poster on this theme appeared in 1936. Viktor Govorkov ’ s ‘ Thank you beloved Stalin for our happy childhood ’ ( Fig. 3.12 ) carries one variant of the iconic motto, ‘ Thank you dear brother Stalin for our happy childhood ! ’ This motto appeared everywhere in the world of the Soviet child — over nursery doorways, on walls in schools, on cartridge holder and book covers — and was chanted by children at celebrations. Govorkov ’ sulfur bill poster shows Stalin dressed in white ( suggesting purity, simplicity, and besides making him appear full of light ), surrounded by children with toys, flowers and artworks. In the backdrop, children play in miniature cars and on scooters, watched by their mother, who is of secondary importance after Stalin. Stalin ’ randomness digit dominates the poster, his gaze is focused on a young boy who shows him a draw of the Kremlin. other boys hold exemplar ships and aeroplanes, while the girls are passive and express gratitude by gesture, and by the give of flowers. The color palette is largely muted and pastel bolshevik, green and white — the coloring material of celebration, which emphasises the slack and idyllic nature of the fit. Though felicitous and relax, the children are besides neat. From the mid-1930s onwards, the ideal soviet child was systematically depicted as obedient and grateful .
In the 1937 post horse ‘ Thanks to the Party, thanks to dear Stalin for our happy, elated childhood ’ by Dmitrii Grinets, Stalin adopts a fatherly pose with three children. The portrait format of the bill poster emphasises the affair and physical familiarity of the scene, which is evocative of a family home. By depicting such a scene, with Stalin standing in as the father for non-related children, the suggestion is made that he is the church father of all children of all nationalities of the USSR, well concerned with the prospects and destiny of each child in his care. Stalin holds the smallest child against his breast, while his concenter is keenly on the elder male child who plays the violin for him. The youngest son shows ambition to join the arm forces, wearing military attire and clutching a miniature airplane in his right arm. The older son wears a Pioneer scarf and will be a successful musician. It is entirely the young girlfriend, wearing traditional headdress, who is given no costume or property to indicate her future occupational group. possibly her gratitude and idolatry are a sufficient contribution. The caption of the bill poster, which is in ukrainian and occupies the bottom one-third of the post horse, reinforces this notion of gratitude, and is uncommon for its fourth dimension in that it emphasises the thanks owed to the Party, equally well as to Stalin. The give voice ridnomu ( and its russian equivalent rodnomu ) does not translate precisely in English. Used as a condition of endearment, the news besides connotes a akin or familial relationship with the person to whom it is applied .
The 1938 bill poster ‘ Thank you Comrade Stalin for our happy childhood ! ’, by Nina Vatolina, Nikolai Denisov, Vladislav Pravdin and Zoia Rykhlova-Pravdina, features a similar color scheme and several of the same objects as the Govorkov bill poster of 1936. significantly in this post horse, the action takes home in front of a New Year tree, which had been banned since 1916, but was reinstated in 1935. The corner in the 1938 bill poster is decorated with traditional candles and garlands, but besides with belittled aircraft, parachutes and bolshevik stars. The exemplary airplane and ship are typical soviet play, inspiring boys to emulate soviet heroes in aviation and exploration. By including these toys in the poster, oblique reference is besides made to the great soviet achievements in these fields. Stalin is not merely providing a glad childhood, but besides offers the children the potential for happy and satisfy futures. In the 1938 poster, Stalin is surrounded by blue-eyed russian children who are situated on the same degree in the picture plane as he although, by virtue of his status as adult male, he looks down on the children protectively. The fit is relaxed and cozy, with four of the children gazing up at Stalin with affection while a one-fifth child has his back turned to Stalin and gazes directly at the spectator. The implication is that a soviet childhood is a time of sacred artlessness, boundless joy, and material plenty ( the flowers in the bottom right-hand corner are a further indication of substantial wealth ). As the motto suggests, all of these things are provided by the dominating agnate bearing of Stalin, who is, by association, a kind of laic Father Christmas. This affiliation is not inauthentic, as on 30 December 1936 Stalin appeared on the cover of the newspaper Trud as Grandfather Frost, usurping the traditional character of the secularize adaptation of Saint Nicholas, and making literal his character as fabulous children ’ s benefactor .
In 1935–36, Stalin began to appear with children more frequently in newspaper photograph. Plamper dates the plunge of the picture of Stalin as beget to a newspaper article in 1935 in which he appeared with 11-year-old Pioneer Nina Zdrogova on the tribune of the Lenin Mausoleum, saluting a physical–cultural parade. The double of the rule with devoted child was to become one of the most significant genres across the respective media in the cult of personality. One of these newspaper photograph, V. Matvievskii ’ s ‘ Young girlfriend and the Leader ’, 1936, became particularly iconic, with copies posted in schools, children ’ mho clubs and institutions. It even appeared in a late propaganda poster as an icon. The photograph was taken at a meet between Party leaders and a delegating from the Buriat–Mongolian ASSR. Gelia Markizova, aged seven, the daughter of one of the delegates, presented Stalin with a big bouquet of flowers, and he reciprocated with a kiss. In this, and other newspaper reports of children meeting Stalin, such accurate details of the ritual exchange were constantly noted .
vitamin a well as surrounding himself with children, Stalin besides surrounded himself with flowers, both in photograph and posters. Flowers had formed a function of the personality cults of Aleksandr Kerenskii and General Lavr Kornilov in 1917, however, after the October Revolution flowers disappeared from political animation, as they were not consistent with the hard and sparse style of early Bolshevism and its ascetic high-mindedness. Flowers reappear onto the public sphere in the mid-1930s, flush showing up in military parades, and became a constant presence in propaganda posters until the Great Patriotic War. Flowers symbolise celebration, celebration, birthrate and abundance. The exchange of flowers for a ‘ endow ’ from Stalin became separate of the ritual of ceremonial occasions. The consumption of flowers as symbols in Stalinist political posters embraced many of these traditional associations, american samoa well as reinforcing the ritual that was becoming canonic. Flowers enhance the air of celebration and signify a ritual of passage — a meet with Stalin was a special milestone in the life of these blue-ribbon, fortunate children. The giving of flowers is a gesture of tribute and thanks to person who has served or protected you. Flowers highlight the exuberant abundance of the at hand socialist utopia, which is already manifesting in the joyous lives led by these children. If Stalin took on the function of the great Father, wedded to the soviet fatherland, flowers and children symbolised the fertility of this union. While Russia had largely been regarded as a ‘ fatherland ’ in czarist times, under Stalin it came increasingly to be called the ‘ fatherland ’. David Brandenberger notes that, before 1934 in soviet Russia, the give voice rodina had been used only to refer to ethnically homogeneous home plate territories. As of 1934, Stalin began to continually insert the password rodina into slogans for crush publications when referring to the Soviet Union as a whole. This became increasingly affecting during the years of the Great Patriotic War with respective dramatic propaganda posters inciting men to protect the vulnerable fatherland, frequently as embodied in a fawn womanhood, from nazi atrocities .
merely one year after the 1938 ‘ happy childhood ’ post horse, as war erupted in Europe and threatened the Soviet Union, keystone changes were already beginning to surface in propaganda posters. In Vatolina ’ mho 1939 version of ‘ Thank you dear Stalin for our glad childhood ’ the children are from versatile nationalities within the Soviet Union, although russian children placid predominate. In earlier posters the children occupied the lapp space in the picture plane as Stalin, but nowadays he is geographically isolated from them — nominally, aside at the Kremlin, but in fact floating above them in the flip, looking down on them like an almighty deity. This god-like timbre is reinforced by the remainder in scale in the two halves of the bill poster — Stalin ’ mho head is that of a titan and it dominates the heavens. There is no flip, only light ( as in an icon ) and the sacred steeple of the Spassky tugboat, topped by its red asterisk, stands like the steeple of a church bathed in fairytale light. The Kremlin is the earthly dwelling of the benign deity and in the post horse forms a radio link between the kingdom of the heavens ( inhabited by Stalin ) and earth ( inhabited by the children ). The children bring exuberant bunches of flowers but these remain emblematic offerings which will not actually reach Stalin. While the children salute and gaze with respectful awe, Stalin looks down on them as a emblematic father, offering security and benevolence and radiating flannel easy across the versatile lands and territories of the union. here Stalin ’ s transformation from man to myth commences .
During the Great Patriotic War, Stalin ’ second double appeared in posters less frequently than in the years immediately before the war, and when it did appear, it was chiefly to rally the population for the war attempt. visually, he was portrayed in posters as leading the people into conflict, and I have located lone one poster of the early war years in which he is referred to as father. During the war, the family, extended to include the larger ‘ kin ’ of workmates and fellow soldiers, continued to be a focal degree for propaganda, while there was besides an increased concenter on the biological family as being under threat from the Nazi invasion. By 1943, with the tide of the war turning in the Soviet Union ’ s prefer, Stalin began to appear in propaganda more frequently and was even sometimes depicted as ‘ stand in ’ for absent fathers. In Viktor Koretskii ’ second 1943 ‘ On the joyous sidereal day of liberation … ’ ( Fig. 3.13 ) a portrayal of Stalin is hung on the wall like an picture and has talismanic properties ; however, the child is besides treating the portrait as if it were a portrait of his own don. The peasant homo in the post horse appears besides old to be the husband of the young woman, or forefather of the child, and it can be safely assumed that, with the war still raging outside the window, the child ’ s beget is away defending the nation. The family gather rather around a portrayal of Stalin who, in this early version of the post horse, is not wearing insignia of rank and looks humble and approachable. This learn of the poster is supported by the drawn-out bill poster caption in which Stalin is referred to as ‘ our acquaintance and father ’ .
Stalin is besides referred to as a beget and apparent conserve of Lenin in a 1943 post horse by Vladimir Fedotov ( Fig. 3.14 ). This curious poster, produced on bum newspaper without details of invest of publication or size of version, celebrates 25 years of the Komsomol, although the post horse picture itself is about the war attempt. In the post horse caption, a verse by Kazimir Lisovskii, Lenin takes on the maternal qualities of love and nourish, while Stalin adopts the function of the don and raises the Komsomol generation — these are not children, but young people of fighting age. Lenin ’ second banner is draped protectively over the young fighters, like the veil of the Virgin, and it is his heart that is invoked to intercede on their behalf, while Stalin leads the troops on the battlefield in the earthly region .
In influential graphic artist Nikolai Zhukov ’ s ‘ We ’ ll surround orphans with maternal kindness and love ’ ( Fig. 3.15 ) of 1947, a young orphan, born during the war years, lies in a fairly bed, warm and protected under a red quilt. The young woman who cares for the child comforts it with her right hand while the left hand is raised in a gesture which suggests both protective covering and bless. She is wholly absorbed in the child ’ second care, her gaze intently on the child ’ second confront. She represents the fatherland, the manifestation of the caring soviet state. As we only see the back of the child ’ randomness head, and even sex is indeterminate, the child calculate has a universality that encompasses not lone wholly orphans, but all of the children of the USSR. Stalin ’ s portrait with Gelia Markizova is on the wall and it stands in for the beget the child has lost in the war .
In Konstantin Ivanov ’ s ‘ Happy New Year, beloved Stalin ! ’, of 1952, Stalin ’ south portrait is hung like an icon by a young male child at New Year. It is interesting to compare the 1952 Ivanov post horse with the 1938 poster by Vatolina, Denisov, Pravdin and Pravdina. Both are set amid New Year celebrations and feature a New Year tree. In the earlier poster, Stalin is physically present in the scene, a benefactor and donor of gifts. His interactions with the children are conversant and paternal. The New Year tree is hung with baubles that predict the carry through futures offered to the children. In the late poster Stalin is present only as a portrait on which the child gazes in ecstasy. The little part of the tree that is visible carries crimson stars as decorations, but none of the other earlier portents of the felicitous future, and is adorned with tinsel, traditional baubles, a candy cane, a pisces and a rabbit, suggesting abundance. The child is alone in this poster, without siblings, peers or parents. possibly the child is an orphan. Stalin stands in for the absent founder, but here, as in the Zhukov bill poster, he is a outside presence and his relationship with the child is anything but familiar .
With the war years behind the Soviet Union, there was a rapid come back to the notion of thanking Stalin for a glad childhood. In June 1946 a children ’ s festival was held that began with the read of a letter of gratitude to Stalin by a Pioneer, and was followed by a parade of Pioneers with balloons and flowers released from aircraft flying overhead. In his final years, Stalin about never appeared in public, and worked locked away in his dacha, merely outside Moscow, or at one of his several vacation dachas located around the empire. This increasing farness was paralleled in journalistic and literary text which featured less frequent opportunities for children to have direct contact with Stalin, and emphasised more contacts in outside or mediated forms, such as receiving a letter or telegram from Stalin .
In 1950 another ‘ Thanks to dear Stalin for our happy childhood ! ’ poster by Vatolina was released. A grey Stalin appears in military uniform, standing on a dais. Although he touches the arm of the young Pioneer son, he is separated in the picture plane from the two children and elevated above them. The girl carries a bunch of flowers to give to Stalin, but holds it off to the side, reaching up to touch Stalin with her right pass, as one might touch a holy place icon. A huge bunch of loss roses forms a barrier between them and the girl can not reach him. The discolor pallette in Vatolina ’ south 1950 bill poster is more vivid than in the earlier posters ; the flowers are depicted in a more naturalistic style and occupy a large space in the double. The figure of Stalin floats in an undifferentiated background of pure light, which illuminates the face of the son. In the 1936 and 1938 posters, children are relaxed and celebrating, not all of them look at Stalin and where they do look at him, it is with friendship and affection, from within the same space. frequently, one of the children engages the viewer by looking directly out from the picture. In the late posters, the children have diminished in phone number and importance and are restrained and respectful. It is clear that merely to be admitted to Stalin ’ south presence is an honor and reward. The boy appears in profile and the female child is viewed from the rise ; no child engages the spectator or embodies the ‘ happy childhood ’ of the post horse ’ south text. In 1950 a happy childhood consists entirely in being loyal and dutybound to Stalin. As Stalin is portrayed wearing military uniform, the formality of the juncture is reinforced, and the spectator is besides reminded that all citizens owe Stalin a debt of gratitude for victory in the war .
After 1950, the ‘ happy childhood ’ theme slipped into the setting and bill poster artists focused on depicting obedient children performing their duty to Stalin, who is now about always represented in one of three ways : as a airy on a mission to save the global, as a portrait/icon, or as a frieze. Stalin ’ s special relationship with the Pioneers is illustrated in the 1951 bill poster, ‘ Best supporter of children. glory to great Stalin ! ’ by well-known artist Elena Mel ’ nikova ( Fig. 3.16 ). Stalin appears as a giant portrait hanging behind rows of mix, obedient children, who salute, wave flags and appear to be engaged in an oath-taking ceremony. The soviet regimen bounce children to Stalin by the subscribe of oaths of allegiance and duty at initiation ceremonies into the Pioneers and Komsomol, and posters such as this reinforced the sense of duty the children owed their drawing card. It is interesting to note that this is one of the relatively few posters of this earned run average in which Stalin does not appear in military consistent. The text emphasises the friendly nature of the relationship between Stalin and the young Pioneers, and makes no character to Stalin as a ‘ father ’. There is no interaction as Stalin looks out into the distance and the children have their backs turned to him. Neither the Warrior nor the Father original is being emphasised here .
Propaganda posters that overtly thanked Stalin for a happy childhood operated on several levels in Stalin ’ s cult of personality. On one level, they appealed to children and instructed them in appropriate demeanor and attitude towards the vozhd ’. By depicting Stalin increasingly as a fabulous and iconic design, children were farther encouraged to an position of implicit obedience and apparitional religion that filled the vacuum left by the suppression of the Orthodox religion in soviet company. With increasing vehemence on family values in soviet company from the mid-1930s, even the lessons to be drawn from the cult of Pavlik Morozov were subtly repackaged, with the stress shifting away from the denunciation of his parents, and moving to his obedience and hard solve as a educate pupil.Komsomolskaia Pravda declared in 1935 : ‘ Young people should respect their elders, specially their parents. ’ The ‘ glad childhood ’ posters, like most soviet propaganda posters, were not chiefly directed at children. The real targets were adults, many of whom faced a real spiritual crisis with the outlaw of religion, who were invited to embrace the blissful utopia manufactured by the state ’ south artists. obedient and close children not alone served as models for appropriate pornographic behavior, but were expected to re-educate their parents according to the new ways .
Fathers and sons
This ongoing re-education campaign to model new relationships in a fresh company employed the methodology of socialistic platonism across all genres of artistic production. In her interrogation of the Soviet novel, Clark discusses the two ‘ types ’ of biographies written in the 1930s — biographies of ‘ fathers ’ and biographies of ‘ sons ’. Fathers were normally represented by Party leaders like Stalin, Sergei Kirov, Kliment Voroshilov and Sergo Ordzhonikidze, or leaders in their fields like Anton Makarenko, Maksim Gor ’ kii and Nikolai Marr, while sons were soviet heroes, like aviators and explorers. While both fathers and sons served as examples to be emulated, the sons differed from the fathers in that they exhibited a childish and ‘ irresponsible ’ side and required guidance from the more stable and responsible don figure. additionally, sons had not undergo the sorts of trials and suffering experienced by the fathers. As Clark points out, the sons did not move up to the condition of fathers, remaining permanently indebted to and under the authoritative steering of the beget figures .
The relationship between Stalin and a number of these ‘ sons ’ of the nation was another big theme in propaganda posters during the mid-1930s. As already noted, in soviet propaganda Stalin was not alone the supplier of all bounty to citizens of the Soviet Union, nor simply the benefactor of world. He was besides the central facilitator of all motion, and the reference of all accomplishment. Every skill by any soviet citizen reflected back on Stalin, who was an divine guidance and chew over to all. The notion of individual skill ascribable to exceptional personal abilities did not fit with a Marxist–Leninist position of history, which stressed that individuals were only able to accomplish great feats because they recognised the nature and meaning of rotatory times and were able to act in accordance with circumstances. A significant genre of soviet propaganda emerged to document and publicise great soviet achievements, to citation them all to the Revolution, the Party, and ultimately the brilliance of the great enabler whom history had placed in the function of the drawing card. Stalin was effusively credited with not entirely facilitating all of the successes of the Soviet Union, but with such apparently marvelous abilities as keeping his aviators and pivotal explorers warm against the Arctic cold. Stalin was able to do this by virtue of the breadth and depth of his agnate worry .
One area of particular achiever and soviet pride was aviation. Beginning in 1933, Aviation Day was celebrated by the Soviets every year, on 18 August, in much the lapp spirit as May Day and Revolution Day. The 1953 Great soviet encyclopedia entrance on aviation runs to several pages and credits Russia and the Soviet Union with being at the vanguard of about every aviation-related improvement since 1731. The entry documents in capital detail each theoretical and scientific contribution to the airfield of aviation, and downplays or discredits developments from other nations. The class 1936 saw the beginning of a boom subgenre of posters that celebrated soviet achievements in aviation. According to Kaganovich, aviation was ‘ the best saying of our accomplishments ’, and at one time or other the Soviets held 62 aviation-related world records. The propaganda promoting soviet aviation served respective associate purposes. The industry showed genuine technical proficiency, and advances made in the field were a source of national pride for soviet citizens, and thus served to legitimate the leadership in goal-rational terms. The charismatic leader merely maintains leadership for american samoa long as he is seen to be delivering on promises and the fact that these achievements reached beyond soviet borders, and indicated soviet superiority in this field to the rest of the global, not only provided a wide stage on which to demonstrate soviet accomplishment, but besides served as excellent propaganda to promote the achiever of the socialistic organization to the lie of the world. In addition, with the possibility of war in Europe on the horizon, demonstrations of soviet antenna transcendence served as a deterrent to the Germans and any others who might wish to challenge the USSR on the discipline of conflict .
soviet aviators, and their analogous colleagues, the polar explorers, performed daring feats and achieved world firsts, providing the soviet people with a pantheon of new cultic heroes outside the traditional military and political spheres ( and, hence, they were no threat to Stalin ’ s own cult ). indeed, the first gear female heroes of the Soviet Union were pilots. An important component of the hero status that was accorded aviators was their ‘ victory over nature ’, a key concept in the soviet agenda to industrialise quickly and to bring a comfortable standard of survive to the populace. As Bergman notes, the wording ‘ Stalin ’ s falcons ’ and ‘ birds of steel ’ linked the fresh heroes to the folkloric heroes of the past — ‘ Kievan and Muscovite princes were frequently described in russian folklore as falcons, and some of the heroes in these tales miraculously transformed themselves into birds ’ — while at the same time hush allowing the government to separate itself from its czarist predecessors ( and Lenin ), who did not have an air travel industry. The final paragraph of the aviation entrance in the 1953 Great soviet encyclopǽdia makes this point denotative :
frankincense, russian scientists, engineers and inventors, working on the creation of flying machines, pioneered solutions to the basic problems of air travel. however, the decrepitude of Russia ’ s bourgeois-landowner arrangement, the incompetence of its czarist rulers, and the country ’ sulfur technico-economical retardation did not allow the initiatives of russian innovators in aeronautics and aviation opportunities broad hardheaded growth. Innovators were given no support. czarist functionaries fawning before illusion foreigners ignored the discoveries and inventions of the russian compatriots. many valuable works by russian scientists and inventors were credited to foreigners. entirely the Great October Socialist Revolution gave designers, scientists, engineers, inventors and rationalizers unlimited opportunities for creative work and the realization of their projects .
The promotion of aviators as ‘ new soviet men ’ partially addressed the awkwardness around the concept of the expansive individual, as the element of teamwork could constantly be reinforced — it took a original, a copilot and navigator ( and Stalin ) to make these heroic flights. This latent hostility was never wholly resolve and, in the late 1930s, in aviation as elsewhere, individual desperate cultic figures emerged and were promoted by the soviet leadership. One of the most luminary of these was Valerii Pavlovich Chkalov, the son of a boilermaker, who in 1937 was the first person to fly ( with his copilot and navigator ) from Moscow to the United States via the North Pole. Chkalov became the subject of posters, postage stamps and press articles, and appeared in photograph and paintings alongside Stalin. While Chkalov gained considerable cultic and expansive status in his own right, his achievements were always linked to Stalin ’ south patronage, most notably through portraying the relationship between Stalin and Chkalov as that of father and son. A Pravda article of 1936 described the meet between Stalin and Chkalov after the successful mission to the Kamchatka Peninsula as one in which they embraced like beget and son, and Georgii Baidukov, Chkalov ’ s copilot, recorded in his memoir that, at Chkalov ’ randomness funeral, Stalin ‘ dolefully bade farewell to his own most beloved son ’. In an article titled ‘ Our church father ’ in Izvestiia in August 1938, good months before his death, Chkalov made this kinship denotative : ‘ In laudatory speeches, songs, and verses the soviet people call Stalin a lodestar and a sun. But most of all, he is the shape of one discussion, the most tender and human word of all — father. ’ There was possibly some footing, no matter how little, for Stalin sharing the credit for these expansive flights. As with many other aspects of Stalin ’ sulfur leadership, Stalin was minutely involved in the plan of historic flights, discussing routes taken and other involved details of the flights. sometimes this degree of planning served his specific needs. The proposed August 1936 flight path was altered by Stalin to decrease its chances of failure, as Stalin was counting on the propaganda value of the successful escape during the approaching testify trials and purges .
The 1937 poster ‘ Glory to Stalin ’ s falcons — the conquerors of aerial elements ! ’ ( Fig. 3.17 ) by Viktor Deni and Nikolai Dolgorukov, celebrates the historic and dangerous escape from Moscow to the United States via the North Pole without identifying the men directly involved. rather, the focus is on Stalin, whose profile image sketched on a red flag sits above the city of Moscow in the mid-left of the post horse. The concentrate of the poster is dominated by a flat horizon of the earth from the North Pole, with the USSR positioned to the bottom, and the United States tucked away at the exceed. The big landmass of the USSR is coloured soviet red, and extended by the adjoin crimson flag, which billows across the earth in a symbol of soviet domination. A well-populated Moscow bustles below, the people carrying a sea of bolshevik flags and banners. The path of the historic trajectory is traced by a chummy red lineage through the North Pole, the center of the post horse, which swoops upwards through Canada to the United States. While Moscow is sketched in vibrant bolshevik, features the identifiably ‘ russian ’ towers of the Kremlin, and is densely populated, Washington is a colorless and unpeopled landscape of featureless and indistinct skyscrapers. The steep red trace that marks out the road is evocative besides of the line on a graph, the up swoop registering achiever and advance, arsenic well as the trajectory of takeoff. Almost ampere large as the ball itself, and larger than the solid district of the United States, are the images of the two soviet planes that sweep across the acme of the bill poster, and to which Stalin ’ s gaze directs our center. The near, larger plane is marked with the count 25 ( the Tupolev 25 flown on the mission ), the abbreviation USSR, and its torso is inscribed with the words ‘ Stalin ’ s falcons ’. The text reinforces the association of this historic accomplishment with Stalin, proclaiming glory to ‘ Stalin ’ s falcons ’, quite than to the individuals involved, and besides reiterates the winder soviet precedence for conquering nature and the elements .
In the late 1930s the soviet leadership watched with increasing alarm the machinations of Nazi Germany under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. It was becoming clear that war in Europe was at hand, and it was Stalin ’ s purpose to stay out of the war for ampere long as possible, as the forces of the Soviet Union were unprepared for battle. With the battalion of successes on the world stage in aviation, soviet propaganda could focus on this stadium of accomplishment and employ it as a deterrent to Germany to engage the USSR in war. Produced in 1938, ‘ Long live the soviet pilots — the gallant falcons of our fatherland ! ’ ( Fig. 3.18 ) by Denisov and Vatolina, emphasises this military might by showing a sky dense with aircraft engaged in an airshow. The expose is watched by Stalin ( in military-style tunic but as yet no uniform of rank ) and Voroshilov ( in marshal ’ s uniform ). With their aureate, retrousse faces, and flannel uniforms, the two men are the centre of unhorse in the bill poster. Stalin salutes the pilots in a gesticulate that is both a set of deference and a imprint of benediction, wishing them long life and protection from the identical actual dangers of their calling. Despite the defense of the nation being Voroshilov ’ s portfolio, it is Stalin ’ s prototype that predominates. It was possibly particularly important for propaganda to play up the might of soviet aviation with war at hand as, in reality, the Soviet Airforce was ill equipped for military conflict. solid attempt had been focused on the ‘ higher, faster, longer ’ principle in aviation, which had led to the skill of so many earth records ; however, these were not the sorts of aircraft needed to engage successfully in battle, as the war would come to demonstrate .
Despite the early lack of preparation, the Soviets were ultimately successful in winning the war, and air travel continued to be a field in which socialism could demonstrate considerable advance and success, culminating in Iurii Gagarin ’ s sphere of the land in 1961. Chkalov, and other soviet falcons, served as an inspiration to younger generations to embark on careers in aviation, which were held in high think of and well rewarded. The 1950 post horse, ‘ To the modern achievements of soviet air travel ! ’ ( Fig. 3.19 ) by Pravdin, shows a paternal Stalin in his marshal ’ mho uniform, rewarding a Pioneer youth with a view of an airshow from his balcony. They are joined by two young men in military uniform, and a pilot program, and the sky is entire of aeroplanes and parachutes, providing a blaze of gay color. The youth, holding a model airplane, frankincense indicating his desire to be an aviator, is supported in this drive by the protective, encouraging weapon of Stalin, who indicates by gesture that the flip is the restrict for this boy ’ second future. The young person is clear, respectful, compose and determined — the sorts of qualities needed in the new soviet man. just as Stalin had been a founder to Chkalov, his special paternal attention to this deserving youth will ensure that he follows the correct line for success in the future. Women are absent from the foreground of the post horse, although may be assumed to be stage among the indistinct spectators to the show. After the war, women were encouraged to focus on motherhood and the domestic sphere, preferably than dangerous exploits that might take them away from their families .
Adult children : the national hymn and the morning of the fatherland
The 1944 version of the Soviet home anthem includes the lines ‘ And Stalin raised us to be firm to the people / Inspired us to work and to deeds ’, formalising Stalin ’ s patriarchy as a matter of express. Two posters, one of 1948 and the other of 1949, quote these lines directly. The lyrics of the anthem were, of class, well known and immediately recognizable to the soviet people, and the two lines preceding these glorify Lenin, ‘ Through storms the sun of exemption polish on us / And great Lenin lit up our path ’, although Lenin is nowhere to be seen in these posters, either in text or image. Petr Golub ’ s 1948 bill poster ‘ Stalin raised us to be firm to the people ! ’ ( Fig. 3.20 ) combines the Father and Warrior archetypes in one pastel image. Under the protective canopy of the Soviet Navy flag, Stalin inspects the troops and addresses a young sailor who has been pulled out of line. The two stand eye-to-eye, the bluejacket holding the leader ’ mho gaze, and they look unusually alike in terms of facial features, as if they could be related. unusually, Stalin is shown as the lapp altitude as the young man, although the point of his detonator makes his overall altitude slenderly greater. The caption makes authorize the double nature of Stalin ’ south character for the sailors — as the Generalissimus of the Armed Forces, he is their military drawing card and as the man who raised them, he is their emblematic don .
Leonid Golovanov ’ south 1949 post horse, ‘ And Stalin raised us to be patriotic to the people, inspired us to work and to deeds ! ’ ( Fig. 3.21 ), consists of a triptych of images with Stalin ’ s profile portrayal occupying the centre panel. He is serene, fresh, bathed in a ocean of light that emanates from his face to fill the sky in the early two panels of the bill poster. The left control panel shows soviet civilians under the national sag, holding a huge bundle of pale yellow, the symbol of success in agriculture and of richness in general. People wave and cheer in the background. The correct panel shows soviet military personnel from each of the armed forces with their allow banners and a rifle in hand. The cardinal picture of Stalin unites the military and the civilian as Stalin again displays both the Father and the Warrior original in this poster, which appeared in the year of his seventieth birthday celebrations .
When Stalin appears in posters as the don of the people, he stands without a female spouse. Stalin had been married doubly, his first wife dying young of an illness, and his second gear wife committing suicide in 1932. The nation saw Stalin bury Nadia and, from this orient on, he did not publicly have a female spouse — in fact, indeed little is known of this view of his personal life that there is only guess as to further sexual relationships after Nadia ’ s death. Stalin ’ s life centred around his function as drawing card and it was easy to depict him as ‘ wedded to the nation ’. Fyodor Shurpin ’ s celebrated painting of 1948, The morning of our fatherland, depicts a calm, reflective Stalin in homely blank tunic, disjunct and entirely in a dull pastel landscape, his greatcoat draped over his sleeve. Behind him in the distance, tractors plough the fields and powerlines melt into the bleary flip. Stalin is bathed in the early morning light and looks out to the right, to the dawn of the communist utopia. This long-familiar painting is undoubtedly the inhalation for two posters that were both published in 1949, one in an version of 300,000 by Golub, the other in a smaller edition of 10,000 by F. Litvinov ( Fig. 3.22 ). Both posters plowshare the lapp quotation from Stalin as a caption, ‘ Long animation and prosperity to our fatherland ’. It is interesting to compare the posters to the painting that inspired them, and to each other, as the differences between them are telling. One cardinal dispute is that Stalin is slenderly more face-on to the spectator in the painting than in the posters and looks well more tire. In the posters he is less heavily jowled, his skin bright, and his mustache more trim. In Golub ’ s poster, in particular, Stalin has a more military digest, about standing at attention while, in the Shurpin painting, he is relax and leans back slightly, his shoulders cushy. In both posters Stalin is wearing military uniform while, in the paint, he appears as a civilian, a private individual, alone at click. The posters are both in portrait format, while the painting is in landscape, hence the posters emphasise the digit of Stalin, while Shurpin ’ s painting makes much more of the landscape. indeed, in Golub ’ randomness poster, Stalin is not alone, but accompanied by a young Pioneer boy who gazes mutely into the future with him, the symbolic son of the wedded union between Stalin and the fatherland. The landscapes have been altered in each of the posters. The Litvinov bill poster was published in the Crimea and it is possible that the landscape of the poster reflects the local landscape. The Golub poster features a birch tree in the foreground, standing uncoiled as Stalin, and a patchwork of lush green fields behind the two figures. The notion of plenty and abundance is reinforced by the small sprig of flowers in the child ’ s hand. A river flows through the landscape, continuing the dual association of Stalin with water, and with the golden light that illuminates him from above. By drawing so obviously on Shurpin ’ s painting, the posters suggest the dawn of a raw historic period of abundance for the Soviet Union, the arrival of the long-awaited communist utopia after the benighted nights of the Civil War, the purges, and the Great Patriotic War. Stalin is the father of the state who cared for, protected, and raised the nation and, in Golub ’ sulfur post horse, the promise of the future lies in the state ’ randomness young .
Stalin as teacher
Stalin ’ second role as teacher and mentor overlapped well with his character as father, but introduced extra dimensions in which his wisdom of solomon and ability to inspire and guide were emphasised over his agnate worry. As celebrated when discussing the politics of debt instrument, patronage was an take part of russian life, with many aspects of culture contributing to this traditional sociable structure. many of the capital writers acknowledged their mentors : Isaac Babel named Maksim Gork ’ two, and Gor ’ kii named Leo Tolstoi. Mentorship, in particular, had hanker been a feature of russian intellectual life, with kruzhok to discuss poetry, criticism art and argue politics an established social structure. These circles provided members with access to material resources and a sense of belonging while, in hark back, members tended to venerate their drawing card with paintings, sculptures, poems and songs and, after death, with obituaries and memoirs. As Plamper notes : ‘ The circle members, in short, built a fad around their drawing card ’, and these early experiences in their formative years may have helped the Bolsheviks internalise the mechanism of the personality fad .
Both Lenin and Stalin had been involved in circles, Stalin claiming to have joined his first r-2 while even at the seminary in Georgia and, over time, worked their way from membership to leadership positions. One of Stalin ’ s keenest strengths seems to have been the ability to surround himself with patriotic followers who were rewarded with his backing. The want for loyalty within these circles was intensified in the clandestine atmosphere of the revolutionist clandestine, where the major preoccupations were delivering Lenin ’ s latest missives for issue afield, obtaining Party funds by illegal means, and arguing in nitpicking detail over the fine nuances of marxist interpretation. Arrests and exiles were platitude and stress was placed on reliance .
Stalin was immediate to point out that he was merely Lenin ’ second best student, but his propaganda made much of his function as a teacher of the people. Over time he came to take bold decisions on his own enterprise and to reinterpret Marxism–Leninism in the light of his own be know in a socialistic company. Marx and Engels did not give specific guidelines on the daily business of how to make a socialist/communist society serve, and soviet society was the inaugural such experiment of its kind. Stalin and the Bolshevik leadership found themselves very much in reactive mode and having to ‘ make it up as they went along ’, as the regimen seemed to lurch from one crisis to the next. Stalin was older than the other leaders, except for the old muzhik, Mikhail Kalinin, and as such could expect some measure of obedience. As Montefiore reveals in his biographies of Stalin, Stalin was in fact widely read with a huge personal library, numbering thousands of volumes, much of which was heavily annotated in his handwriting. He felt qualified to contribute to academic debates in a wide number of disciplines, with the caveat that his contribution was from the perspective of a exhaustive understand of the laws of Marxism–Leninism which, it was believed among the Bolsheviks, if correctly applied, could assist in bringing ‘ the truth ’ to light in every field of human attempt. Stalin had besides endured the hardships of the ‘ school of life ’ through his underground work, arrests, exiles to Siberia, and agitation among the workers of the Caucasus. If one adds to this the gamey rate of illiteracy when the Bolsheviks took government and the about sum miss of any awareness or sympathy of marxist political orientation among the populace, it is barely storm that Stalin was presented to the people as a wise and experienced teacher, the ‘ tried and tested ’ driver of the locomotive of department of state .
As indicated early, this see of Stalin as healthy, judicious, cagey and experienced was shared by his closest comrades in the Bolshevik leadership. Stalin was besides presented as a wise teacher amongst the intelligentsia. Brooks argues that by 1934, the year of the Writers Congress, Stalin came to adopt the function of ‘ writer– teacher ’, which had a hard custom in both russian history in general, and amongst the Bolsheviks, with figures like Lenin and Trotskii involving themselves in literary criticism. Stalin demonstrated some early promise as a poet in Georgia, with study published in leading newspapers, but abandoned this pursuit as incompatible with a career as a revolutionary. In his exhaustive exploration of the content of Pravda, Brooks notes that Stalin was cited as a major authority on numerous topics : ‘ Pravda ’ mho editors cited Lenin as an authority in fewer than a fifth of the precede editorials from 1921 through 1927 and Stalin in equal measure from 1928 through 1932, but from 1933 through 1939 they mentioned Stalin in more than half. ’ Detractors like Trotskii had, possibly, ample motivation ( including personal dislike ) for claiming that Stalin was otherwise .
The portrayal of Stalin as a judicious teacher formed a major root in soviet propaganda. In posters, this was much achieved by showing Stalin in his cogitation, or speaking to a crowd of eager listeners, but besides by depicting him as a mentor to eminent achievers like the Stakhanovites and the soviet falcons. In some posters, Stalin takes on a blatantly didactic character. An early on model of such a bill poster from 1933 is Mikhail Kuprianov ’ s ‘ We have overthrown capitalism … ’ ( Fig. 3.23 ). There are two alike versions of this simple poster, published in Moscow in small editions of 4,000, both featuring Stalin looking directly ahead as if meeting the eye of the viewer and making a direct request. The text is a quotation from Stalin and recounts socialistic victories to date, while instructing the spectator that foster education in the techniques of skill is even needed. A bill poster of the lapp year by Pikalov, published in Leningrad in an edition of 30,000, quotes both Lenin and Stalin as authorities, and then instructs the spectator to study the history of class fight ( Fig. 3.24 ). The left side of the poster is filled with the design of Stalin, who again stares directly at the viewer. Beneath him is an authoritative caption of his own words about the importance of hypothesis from the manner of speaking at the Conference of Marxist Agrarians on 27 December 1929. The right side of the bill poster is filled with emblematic scenes of the history of classify struggle, including scenes from the french Revolution, the Communist manifesto, the 1905 Revolution, the storm of the Winter Palace, the Aurora, and scenes of collectivization and industrialization which comprise Stalin ’ second revolution. none of the scenes is captioned and it is assumed the viewer is familiar enough with the material to be able to identify the carry through in the poster .
A count of posters across the early 1930s draft Stalin ’ s six diachronic conditions ; six guidelines for farming ; six conditions for victory ; Stalin ’ s six guidelines for the transportation industry ; the path to victory — execution of the six conditions of Comrade Stalin, 1932 ; and six conditions of Stalin. All of these posters, which basically reproduce the same six conditions, use a facial portrayal of Stalin, normally looking straight at the spectator. Lenin does not appear anywhere in the ocular imagination of these posters, suggesting that it was already considered allow to allow Stalin to offer steering as a ‘ teacher ’ in his own right. Some early on posters even feature graphs and charts related to progress on the five-year plans and other statistics indicating targets to be met. Stalin normally appears in these as a cameo portrayal, as if he were presenting the graph and charts for consideration by the people. This gave the depression that Stalin was in control — he had a plan and knew precisely how progress toward it stood ; that he was apt — he understood the charts and the scientific laws of Marxism–Leninism ; and that he was ultimately responsible for all of this amazing advance. These didactic posters full of political orientation and ‘ scientific data ’ required a considerable amount of clock for read, a high flush of literacy and some mathematical sophistication. By and big, this content was inherently inapplicable to the average and to a boastfully symmetry of the audience and, by 1934, a dim-witted overture was adopted that used more attention-getting images and symbolic figures, and used the post horse text to make one concise point in a attention-getting motto, rather than outline an entire complex plan .
By 1935 the emphasis went from genius to mentor, with Stalin ’ second patronize particularly highlighted in association with the Stakhanovite drift. The Stakhanovites were held up as models to be emulated by the rest of society, and were rewarded with glistening new consumer goods, like gramophone players, which the rest of the Soviet public could entirely dream of owning. The Stakhanovites excessively were emulating person. Without fail, in all of their populace speeches, they were certain to give credit to Stalin, citing his speeches as inspiring their expansive feats. Stakhanov was quoted in Pravda in 1935 : ‘ To him, to the bang-up Stalin, we are all obligated for the happy animation of our area, for the joy and aura of our beautiful homeland. ’ In fact, as Stalin pointed out in his language to the Stakhanovite league, the state did not owe the Stakhanovites a debt of gratitude for their intemperate knead. quite, the Stakhanovites owed Stalin, the Party and the express for providing them with the opportunity to work then heavily. The fresh constitution of 1936 formalised this reciprocal obligation between the worker and the submit in Articles 118 and 130 .
The Stakhanovites were not the foremost record-breaking workers to be celebrated by the soviet regimen. Prior to Stakhanov ’ second feat, udarniki received publicity and became the theme of posters like A.M. Rumiantsev ’ s ‘ Shock influence at the machine is combined with the cogitation of Marxist–Leninist theory ’ of 1931 ( Fig. 2.4 ) ; Gustav Klutsis ’ s ‘ Shock workers of the fields engage in fighting for the socialist reconstruction of agriculture … ’ of 1932 ( Fig. 3.25 ) ; Aleksandr Polyakov ’ s ‘ Worthy sons and daughters of the great party of Lenin–Stalin ’ of 1935 ; and Konev ’ s ‘ Our noble people … ’ published in Kharkov in 1935 ( Fig. 3.26 ). As was the case with the practice of Stalin as a symbol, an individual could provide a better rallying symbol to fire the popular imagination than the collective of anonymous faces, so one serviceman was chosen to symbolise a whole new function ethic. deplorably, there was considerable distance between the characteristics of the idealize bomber and the personal qualities of the man himself, as Stakhanov apparently struggled with his new status .
The 1935 Conference of Stakhanovites generated hearty publicity and was followed by a relate publicity campaign. Two posters that feature the Stakhanovites and the prototype of Stalin appeared in 1936, cementing in the popular imagination Stalin ’ s mentorship of these extraordinary workers. Genrikh Mendelevich Futerfas ’ s ‘ Stalinists ! Extend the battlefront of the Stakhanovite drift ! ’ ( Fig. 3.27 ) promotes the Stakhanovite bowel movement and exhorts working people to join the ranks. The bill poster design resembles many others of the early to mid-1930s, and is a slightly less adept rendition of the expressive style of bill poster so successfully executed by Klutsis. The proficiency used is photomontage, and the color system is monochromatic, save for the diagonal solidus of red surrounding the outstanding human body of Stalin, who heartily greets the army of enthusiastic workers beneath him. The diagonal suggests drift, as if swarms of people are indeed pouring in to swell the ranks of the Stakhanovite workers, all gleefully active and working together in the up direction indicated by Stalin ’ s guiding hand. Despite the multitude of workers featured in the poster, they are concentrated in the penetrate third of the space, and it is the figure of Stalin that dominates and is the only figure to penetrate the amphetamine part of the trope. The subtitle of the post horse quotes from Stalin ’ s lecture at the Stakhanovite conference : ‘ Life is getting better, comrades. Life has become more joyous. And when life is joyous, shape goes well. ’ The first gear part of this refrain became one of Stalin ’ south major slogans, and was the inspiration for a democratic song of 1936 .
Nikolai Dolgorukov ’ s ‘ Swell the ranks of the Stakhanovites ’ besides promotes the message of the Stakhanovite league, encouraging the population to get behind the Stakhanovite campaign and avail spread it across the USSR. The largest of the banners publicises the organization of a national 24-hour Stakhanovite transformation on 11 January 1936, followed by a Stakhanovite Five-Day, Ten-Day, and then a Stakhanovite Month in which workers engaged in socialistic competition to increase their production output. The lower half of the photomontage post horse shows the glad population flooding in to swell the ranks, surrounded by some of the fruits of their labor — the newly opened Metro, and ability plants and factories billowing smoke in the background. The ever-present symbol of the Spassky loom is like a socialist people ’ randomness church, the physical and apparitional home of the faithful, the crowning star a beacon in the sky .
The top third of the poster is occupied by a photograph of the soviet leadership taken at the 1935 Stakhanovite league, lined up on either side of Stalin like the saints in the Deesis. Figures from left to right are Nikita Krushchev, Anastas Mikoian, Ordzhonikidze, Stalin in the center, Kalinin, Voroshilov, Molotov, and Kaganovich. Stalin hails the crowd with an open palm — separate wave, part toast — while Krushchev and Molotov applaud. The placement of the leadership at the top of the post horse provides a ocular associate to the widely publicized 1935 conference ( the photograph on which the bill poster is based was published in the compress ), and this is reinforced by the quote from Stalin appearing in red text under the photograph. It besides emphasises the character of these leaders as overseers, organisers and inspirers of the Stakhanovite movement, viewing the activeness of the ant-like workers from the heavens.

The Stakhanovite composition was popular in posters in 1935 and 1936, with the last poster I have located on this composition dated 1938. This bill poster, ‘ Long live the unite communist party / Bolshevik / — vanguard of the workers of the USSR ! ’, by an unidentified artist is concern because it is the lone Stakhanovite poster I have encountered which includes an visualize of Lenin — Stakhanovites were a stalinist invention. Lenin stands over the properly shoulder of Stalin and both have their right arms extended : Lenin is pointing to the leave, while Stalin is in about identical airs, except that his right palm is retrousse, as if he were bestowing a endowment. Beneath them are two rows of spot Stakhanovite workers, who are introduced by a banner that reads : ‘ Meet the choice of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, new rising Stakhanovite movement ! ’
While at times extraordinary results by Stakhanovite workers may have been manipulated or manufactured by ambitious bosses and officials, the motion did prompt in some people a desire to participate ampere fully as potential in the build of socialism and a pride in their cultivate achievements. It besides produced real results ; for example, in his private diary, Fyodor Efimovich Shirnov, director at a build materials factory in 1936, recorded the pursue observation :
We brung in teachers to teach the workers and sent dozens out to take special courses. When our mechanics come back from the courses, they was already wholly trained. They changed their room of working methods like it was nothing. Stakhanovites install themselves hard at the helm and our factory started buzz, it went from a annual bulk of two million to thirteen million and in 1936 it rose even higher, keep pushing it higher and higher then all of us can live happy ( sic ) .
such internalization of Stakhanovite values was not universal. The words of one worker sound a justifiable note of cynicism : ‘ The Stakhanovite movement has been thought up by our rulers in rate to squeeze the end juice from the toilers ’ and, in the following decades, the term ‘ Stakhanovite ’ came to be used with a degree of contempt .
From 1937, Stalin ’ s falcons stole the limelight and became the new soviet heroes, with Stalin being presented in a paternal relationship with the daring young men. It is character of a beget ’ south duties to be mentor to his son, but Stalin ’ s sudden change from teacher to father in relation to the pornographic population may have been due at least in part to the show trials and purges that began at this time. As Plamper has noted, an increase in panic in soviet company was constantly accompanied by an increase in softheartedness in the portrayals of Stalin, and it makes common sense that the pitilessness of Stalin in rooting out enemies and traitors be tempered by images that showed his love for the close members of the soviet family .
During the war years, propaganda was chiefly focused on mobilization for the war feat, although Stalin ’ s guidance and leadership were invoked in a number of posters in which he was to be seen leading the troops into conflict. After the war, Stalin ’ s leadership and steering were invoked in the name of new victories awaiting the socialistic submit that could now continue on the way to entire communism. Stalin was much depicted in a marshal ’ s undifferentiated and, at times, the treatment of his picture resembled an icon. In some of these posters, it is only the caption that makes reference book to Stalin as a teacher. Nikolai Avvakumov ’ second 1946 post horse ‘ Long live our teacher, our forefather, our leader, Comrade Stalin ! ’ ( Fig. 3.28 ) is a bust portrayal of a kind, avuncular Stalin that uses the caption to evoke three of the major Stalin archetypes, and glimpses of military undifferentiated in the image evoke the fourthly, that of the Warrior. In Pravdin and Denisov ’ s ‘ Long alive our drawing card and teacher the great Stalin ! ’ of 1948 ( Fig. 3.29 ) a dignify Stalin in military undifferentiated gazes out to the future with the Kremlin as a backdrop. In 1949, the year of Stalin ’ s seventieth birthday, there was a renewed stress on the homo side of Stalin in some posters, although he was still much alone, remote, or isolated from early figures in some manner. Two posters by Viktor Ivanov show Stalin alone in his discipline, caught in a moment of silence reflection. ‘ Great Stalin is the beacon of communism ! ’ ( Fig. 3.7 ) shows Stalin with a book by Lenin in his hand, reflecting on the words he has read. Behind him are the collect works of Marx and Engels, of Lenin, and his own collected works. In ‘ Reach for prosperity ! ’ ( Fig. 3.30 ) Stalin holds a telegram and is surrounded by a voltaic pile of parallelism. intelligibly many people turn to Stalin for guidance and advocate. Posters depicting Stalin in his study stress his scholarly side, the big volume of his canonic writings, his ability to act as a wise judge, and the careful consideration he gives to all matters .
After the war, vehemence was increasingly placed on technical expertness over breakneck forcible labor, with the skill budget of the Soviet Union tripling in 1946. Toidze uses a amply symbolic ocular picture to illustrate this new stress, captioned by the conversant text, ‘ Under the standard of Lenin, under the leadership of Stalin, ahead to the victory of communism ! ’ ( Fig. 3.31 ). This 1949 poster employs the favored Toidze palette of black, white and red, with belittled embellishments of amber. The lead half of the poster is dominated by the figures of Lenin and Stalin. Lenin appears as a life-size sculpt in characteristic affectation, correct sleeve extended and whole hand beckoning the crowd ahead and appears to be shepherding Stalin forth. Stalin, lone slenderly less monolithic due to the higher contrast on his calculate, mirrors Lenin ’ sulfur gesture about precisely, except that his right index finger points and his left hand drapes over the dais. The pole of the omnipresent scarlet banner divides the background in half vertically, at precisely the place where the heads of Lenin and Stalin meet, identifying Stalin with the standard, but not Lenin, a link that is visually reinforced by the touches of red on Stalin ’ s uniform. The dais on which Stalin and the statue of Lenin are elevated divides the top and bottom halves of the bill poster. Beneath the dais, with their backs to Lenin and Stalin, are civilian members of the populace. On the leave, a young female agricultural laborer, a huge bundle of wheat over her properly shoulder, stands adjacent to a young male actor, both looking forward in the direction indicated by Lenin and Stalin. On the right, a young man holds aloft a sparkling blank record with the words ‘ Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin ’ emblazoned on the front cover in gold. His pose mimics that of Lenin and Stalin, although his right hand does not point, but clutches the sacred text. Behind him is a young woman with windswept hair who adopts the lapp airs and looks up to Lenin and Stalin for guidance. In her right hand is a large spray of flowers, symbolising abundance and kultur ’ nost, the postwar stress on living a culture life style. The leave or ‘ Lenin side ’ of the bill poster is associated with the past — the two new workers are manual labourers, in the factory and field. Stalin ’ s side of the bill poster represents the present pushing on to the future. The two new people are not dressed for manual tug and rely on education and a sound cognition of the science of Marxism, as adapted by Lenin and Stalin, for the at hand victory of communism. The early 1950s saw a good continuation of the emphasis on education and the command of science, with a phone number of posters published in 1952 on these themes .
A minor subgenre of posters in which Stalin appeared as teacher/mentor concerns the rights of the Soviet woman. A number of soviet posters were produced on women ’ second themes, with many of them designed by women, particularly in the 1920s — the 1930s saw a come back to the marginalization of women artists. Of the posters that addressed women ’ south themes, lone relatively few of them featured Stalin ’ randomness picture. When they did, despite overtly stressing gender equality and the independence of women, their message served to remind women that they owed their raw equality in company to Stalin and the Party .
‘ Stalin among the delegates ’ is a 1937 post horse by Nikolai Mikhailov, published in Moscow by Glavlit, the censoring chest of drawers, as character of a series that included posters of ‘ Kalinin among the Uzbeks ’ and ‘ Peasants visiting Lenin ’. The poster highlights the new rights of women as enshrined in the 1936 Constitution of the USSR and features a verse at its al-qaeda recalling the ‘ slave-like ’ conditions under which women laboured in the past. The ocular imagination of the bill poster is striking and strange. All of the delegates are youthful women from the easterly republics in colorful traditional dress. A young-looking Stalin ( Stalin was already 58 years honest-to-god in 1937 ) is envisioned sitting among them, as ‘ real ’ and ‘ fleshy ’ as they are, and draw on the same scale. He is differentiated from the women only by his throne-like chair ; most of the women stand. Stalin leans forth to talk closely with a womanhood in blue, while a womanhood in a crimson obscure listens attentively. Stalin is relaxed and friendly, superior, but not heavy, however, it is clear that he speaks, and they listen. He adopts the roles of teacher and mentor to these women from traditional societies going forth in daring modern roles. Behind Stalin, the charwoman draped over his chair is intelligibly enamoured of him, as are the beaming women in the background. Two women whisper conspiratorially and giggle. The ease of the scene is reinforced by the papers scattered across the table, which imply that they have all been working in concert. While the determination of the bill poster is to highlight Stalin ’ s mentorship and confirm of women, this is the most overtly intimate image of Stalin I have encountered. other poster images of Stalin may suggest fertility and marital union in an pilfer allegorical manner, but here he appears about as if he is presiding over his harem, while the women seem positively titillated to be in his presence. Despite the thematic vehemence on female rights and equality, the women ’ second complaisance to Stalin is unambiguous in the composing and in the text. The poster was published in a big edition of 200,000 during the year of the Great Purge .
The 1938 bill poster, ‘ Long live the equal-rights woman in the USSR, an active participant in the presidency of the nation ’ randomness state of matter, economic, and cultural affairs ! ’ ( Fig. 3.32 ) was created by two established female post horse artists, Marina Volkova and Natalia Pinus. Although the subject of the bill poster is the new equality of women, as evidenced by high-flying women achievers in country, economic and cultural affairs, it is the figure of Stalin that dominates the bill poster, occupying two-thirds of the space, engulfed in a sea of holy and revolutionary crimson. The ‘ womanhood delegate ’ became something of an original in painting during the mid-1930s. Susan Reid notes that, at this time, ‘ the writing style of delegates was peopled about wholly by women ’, and this was separate of a drift in which the image of the female came increasingly to represent the stereotyped ‘ Soviet citizen ’ in ocular culture. As debtors and subordinates in the politics of obligation, the character of women was to submit, to learn, and to show gratitude .
Mikhail Solov ’ ev ’ randomness ‘ “ such women didn ’ triiodothyronine and couldn ’ thymine exist in the previous days. ” I.V. Stalin ’ ( Fig. 3.33 ) of 1950 features a charwoman delegate making a address, flanked on either side by heedful female delegates. Despite the word picture of women as holding positions of exponent, the poster again makes explicit the debt instrument that women have to Stalin. Stalin is positioned on a wall in a frame, removed from the action of the real world. He stands behind a lectern, an easily identifiable property of the teacher, and his hand lies across the page of an open book. While the potent young charwoman on the dais in the center dominates the image, it is acquit, both visually and through the textbook on the bill poster, that it is alone through Stalin ’ s hold that she can do so — it is only by merit of his authority that she can exist at all .
The Stalin persona became a emblematic vessel into which a number of idealized traits, symbols and types were deposited in an attack to give the drawing card the widest possible appeal. A leader who was to mobilise and unify a nation that encompassed one-sixth of the worldly concern ’ second farming batch and included numerous national groups, needed benevolence and the ability to convey the sense that he cared about each and every citizen and that he was not only concerned with corpulent matters of state, but besides with the little details of the personal battles of his subjects. Propagandists called upon the two mythic archetypes of Father and Teacher to stress the benevolent aspects of the leader persona, while at the like clock reinforcing a sense of natural assurance that comes with these roles. Both roles besides include a notion of reciprocal rights and duties between the leader and the citizens, so that the people felt obligated to repay, with commitment and overt displays of gratitude, the gifts bestowed upon them by Stalin, the Party and the state of matter. While enveloping many of the lapp characteristics, the Father and Teacher archetypes differed primarily in the weight that each trope gave to certain characteristics. The Teacher original emphasised wisdom and feel, while the Father original focused more on notions of care and the ability to harmonise a big and divergent family as if all were brothers and sisters. The other major archetypes associated with Stalin — those of the Warrior and the Saviour — will be discussed in Chapter Four .

Fig. 3.1 ‘ Thank you Comrade Stalin for our glad life ! ’, Nikolai Zhukov, 1940, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 62 x 92 centimeter, edn 100,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.2 ‘ Stalin ’ s kindness illuminates the future of our children ! ’, Iraklii Toidze, 1947, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 61 ten 43 centimeter
reservoir : russian State Library

Fig. 3.3 ‘ Stalin is the wisest of all people … ’, Vartan Arakelov, 1939, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), edn 75,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.4 ‘ thus — greetings, Stalin, and live for a hundred years … ’, Konstantin Cheprakov, 1939, UzFimGiz ( Tashkent ), 62 x 94 centimeter
beginning : redavantgarde.com/en/collection/show-collection/664-greet-stalin-and-live-a-hundred-years-.html ? authorId=160

Fig. 3.5 ‘ For communism ! … ’, Mikhail Reikh, 1948, Uzdarnashr ( Tashkent ), edn 10,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.6 ‘ We are warmed by Stalin ’ s affection … ’, nameless artist, 1949, 47 ten 61 centimeter
generator : russian State Library

Fig. 3.7 ‘ Great Stalin is the beacon of communism ! ’, Viktor Ivanov, 1949, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 74 adam 52.5 centimeter, edn 300,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.8 ‘ Stalin takes concern of each of us from the Kremlin ’, Viktor Govorkov, 1940, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 62 ten 92 curium, edn 100,000
reference : russian State Library

Fig. 3.9 ‘ The captain of the Soviet Union leads us from victory to victory ! ’, Boris Efimov, 1933, Izogiz ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 62 x 94 curium, edn 200,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.10 ‘ Glory to Stalin, the great architect of communism ! ’, Boris Belopol ’ skii, 1951, Iskusstvo ( Moscow ), edn 500,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.11 ‘ Glory to big Stalin, the architect of communism ! ’, N. Petrov & Konstantin Ivanov, 1952, Iskusstvo ( Moscow ), edn 200,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.12 ‘ Thank you beloved Stalin for our glad childhood ’, Viktor Govorkov, 1936, Izogiz, 71 ten 103.2 centimeter
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.13 ‘ On the joyous day of liberation … ’, Viktor Koretskii, 1943, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), edn 50,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.14 ‘ XXV years of the Komsomol ’, Vladimir Fedotov, 1943
generator : russian State Library

Fig. 3.15 ‘ We ’ ll environment orphans with maternal forgivingness and love ’, Nikolai Zhukov, 1947, 79 ten 57 centimeter
source : www.historyworlds.ru/index.php ? do=gallery & act=2 & cid=261 & fid=10656

Fig. 3.16 ‘ Best ally of children. glory to great Stalin ! ’, Elena Mel ’ nikova, 1951, Iskusstvo ( Moscow ), edn 50,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.17 ‘ Glory to Stalin ’ s falcons — the conquerors of forward pass elements ! ’, Viktor Deni & Nikolai Dolgorukov, 1937
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.18 ‘ Long live the soviet pilots — the gallant falcons of our fatherland ! ’, Nina Vatolina & Nikolai Denisov, 1938
beginning : russian State Library

Fig. 3.19 ‘ To the new achievements of soviet air travel ! ’, Vladislav Pravdin, 1950
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.20 ‘ Stalin raised us to be patriotic to the people ! ’, Petr Golub, 1948, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 86 x 61 centimeter
source : State Historical Museum

Fig. 3.21 ‘ And Stalin raised us to be firm to the people, inspired us to work and to deeds ! ’, Leonid Golovanov, 1949, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 76.5 ten 56 centimeter, edn 300,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.22 ‘ “ Long life and prosperity to our fatherland ! ” I. Stalin ’, F. Litvinov, 1949, Krymizdat, edn 10,000
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.23 ‘ We have overthrown capitalism … ’, Mikhail Kuprianov, 1933, ( Moscow ), edn 4,000
beginning : russian State Library

Fig. 3.24 ‘ Without a revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement … ’, Pikalov, 1933, Izogiz ( Leningrad ), 77 ten 109 centimeter, edn 30,000
reference : russian State Library

Fig. 3.25 ‘ Shock workers of the fields engage in fighting for the socialistic reconstruction of agriculture … ’, Gustav Klutsis, 1932
informant : rusarchives.ru/projects/statehood/obrazovanie-sssr.shtml

Fig. 3.26 ‘ Our lord people ’, Konev, 1935, Obshchestvo sodeistviia oborone one aviatsionno-khimicheskomu stroitel ’ stvu SSSR ( Kharkov ), 85 ten 60 curium, edn 20,000
beginning : Hoover Institution Archives

Fig. 3.27 ‘ Stalinists ! Extend the presence of the Stakhanovite campaign ! ’, Genrikh Futerfas, 1936
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.28 ‘ Long live our teacher, our don, our leader, Comrade Stalin ! ’, Nikolai Avvakumov, 1946, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), edn 200,000
reference : russian State Library

Fig. 3.29 ‘ Long alive our leader and teacher the great Stalin ! ’, Vladislav Pravdin & Nikolai Denisov, 1948, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad )
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.30 ‘ Reach for prosperity ! ’, Viktor Ivanov, 1949
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.31 ‘ Under the banner of Lenin, under the leadership of Stalin, forth to the victory of communism ! ’, Iraklii Toidze, 1949, Iskusstvo ( Moscow, Leningrad ), 85 ten 61 centimeter
source : russian State Library

Fig. 3.32 ‘ Long live the equal-rights woman in the USSR, an active player in the administration of the nation ’ south state, economic, and cultural affairs ! ’, Marina Volkova & Natalia Pinus, 1938
informant : russian State Library

Fig. 3.33 ‘ “ such women didn ’ thymine and couldn ’ thyroxine exist in the old days ” I.V. Stalin ’, Mikhail Solov ’ electron volt, 1950, Iskusstvo ( Moscow ), 101 adam 68 centimeter, edn 200,000
source : russian State Library

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